Observations on the new constitution, and on the Federal and State conventions, by a Columbian patriot — John Shaqi
Observations on the new constitution, and on the Federal and State conventions, by a Columbian patriotWarren, Mercy Otis
History
Observations on the new constitution, and on the Federal and State conventions, by a Columbian patriot
Warren, Mercy Otis
Constitutional history -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1789; United States. Constitution
But it is needless to enumerate other instances, in which the proposed
constitution appears contradictory to the first principles which
ought to govern mankind; and it is equally so to enquire into the
motives that induced to so bold a step as the annihilation of the
independence and sovereignty of the thirteen distinct states.—They are
but too obvious through the whole progress of the business, from the
first shutting up the doors of the federal convention and resolving
that no member should correspond with gentlemen in the different
states on the subject under discussion; till the trivial proposition
of _recommending_ a few amendments was artfully ushered into the
convention of the Massachusetts. The questions that were then before
that honorable assembly were profound and important, they were of such
magnitude and extent, that the consequences may run parallel with the
existence of the country; and to see them waved and hastily terminated
by a measure too absurd to require a serious refutation, raises the
honest indignation of every true lover of his country. Nor are they
less grieved that the ill policy and arbitrary disposition of some of
the sons of America has thus precipitated to the contemplation and
discussion of questions that no one could rationally suppose would
have been agitated among us till time had blotted out the principles
on which the late revolution was grounded; or till the last traits of
the many political tracts, which defended the separation from Britain,
and the rights of men were consigned to everlasting oblivion. After
the severe conflicts this country has suffered, it is presumed that
they are disposed to make every reasonable sacrifice before the altar
of peace.—But when we contemplate the nature of men and consider
them originally on an equal footing, subject to the same feelings,
stimulated by the same passions, and recollecting the struggles they
have recently made, for the security of their civil rights; it
cannot be expected that the inhabitants of the Massachusetts, can be
easily lulled into a fatal security, by the declamatory effusions of
gentlemen, who, contrary to the experience of all ages would perswade
them there is no danger to be apprehended, from vesting discretionary
powers in the hands of man, which he may, or may not abuse. The very
suggestion, that we ought to trust to the precarious hope of amendments
and redress, after we have voluntarily fixed the shackles on our own
necks should have awakened to a double degree of caution.—This people
have not forgotten the artful insinuations of a former Governor, when
pleading the unlimited authority of parliament before the legislature
of the Massachusetts; nor that his arguments were very similar to some
lately urged by gentlemen who boast of opposing his measures, “_with
halters about their necks_.”
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