On the Duty of Civil DisobedienceThoreau, Henry David
Philosophy
On the Duty of Civil Disobedience
Thoreau, Henry David
Civil disobedience; Government, Resistance to
As for adopting the ways which the State has provided for remedying the
evil, I know not of such ways. They take too much time, and a man’s
life will be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into this
world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in, but to live in
it, be it good or bad. A man has not every thing to do, but something;
and because he cannot do _every thing_, it is not necessary that he
should do _something_ wrong. It is not my business to be petitioning
the Governor or the Legislature any more than it is theirs to petition
me; and, if they should not hear my petition, what should I do then?
But in this case the State has provided no way: its very Constitution
is the evil. This may seem to be harsh and stubborn and
unconcilliatory; but it is to treat with the utmost kindness and
consideration the only spirit that can appreciate or deserves it. So is
all change for the better, like birth and death which convulse the
body.
I do not hesitate to say, that those who call themselves abolitionists
should at once effectually withdraw their support, both in person and
property, from the government of Massachusetts, and not wait till they
constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the right to prevail
through them. I think that it is enough if they have God on their side,
without waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more right than
his neighbors constitutes a majority of one already.
I meet this American government, or its representative, the State
government, directly, and face to face, once a year, no more, in the
person of its tax-gatherer; this is the only mode in which a man
situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says distinctly,
Recognize me; and the simplest, the most effectual, and, in the present
posture of affairs, the indispensablest mode of treating with it on
this head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it,
is to deny it then. My civil neighbor, the tax-gatherer, is the very
man I have to deal with,—for it is, after all, with men and not with
parchment that I quarrel,—and he has voluntarily chosen to be an agent
of the government. How shall he ever know well what he is and does as
an officer of the government, or as a man, until he is obliged to
consider whether he shall treat me, his neighbor, for whom he has
respect, as a neighbor and well-disposed man, or as a maniac and
disturber of the peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to
his neighborliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech
corresponding with his action? I know this well, that if one thousand,
if one hundred, if ten men whom I could name,—if ten _honest_ men
only,—aye, if _one_ HONEST man, in this State of Massachusetts,
_ceasing to hold slaves_, were actually to withdraw from this
copartnership, and be locked up in the county jail therefor, it would
be the abolition of slavery in America. For it matters not how small
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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