On The Structure of Greek Tribal Society: An EssaySeebohm, Hugh E. (Hugh Exton)
History
On The Structure of Greek Tribal Society: An Essay
Seebohm, Hugh E. (Hugh Exton)
Greece -- History; Greece -- Law -- Antiquities; Greece -- Social life and customs; Land tenure -- Greece; Tribes
The group, thus sharing the same cake-offering, would in the natural
course be moving continually downwards, generation by generation as the
head of the family died, thereby causing the great-grandfather to pass
from the receivers of the cake-offering to the receivers of the water
libation, and admitting the great-grandson’s son into the number of
Sapindas who shared the cake-offering. And at no time would more than four
generations have a share in the same cake offered to the three nearest
ancestors of the head of the family.
(M64) The Samānodakas, or pourers of the water libation appear to have
been similarly grouped.
“Ignorance of birth and name” was in Wales considered to be equivalent to
_beyond fifth cousins_. According to the Gwentian Code, “there is no
proper name in kin further than that”—_i.e._ fifth cousins.(139) And this
tallies exactly with the previous quotation from Manu limiting the water
libation to three generations of ancestors beyond those to whom the cake
is due, which, as has been seen, includes fifth cousins.
And it must be borne in mind that fifth cousins are great-grandsons of the
great-grandsons of their common ancestor, or two generations of groups of
second cousins.
(M65) It was extremely improbable that a man would see further than his
great-grandchildren born to him before his death. And it might also
occasionally occur in times of war or invasion that a man’s sons and
grandsons might go out to serve as soldiers, leaving the old man and his
young great-grandchildren at home.
If the fighting members of the family were killed, the great-grandsons
(who would be second cousins or nearer to each other) would have to
inherit directly from their great-grandfather: and thus, especially in
cases where the property was held undivided after the father’s death, we
can easily see that second cousins (_i.e._ all who traced back to the
common great-grandfather) might be looked upon as forming a natural limit
to the immediate descendants in any one οἶκος, and as the furthest removed
who could claim shares of the ancestral inheritance.
After the death of the great-grandfather or head of the house, his
descendants would probably wish to divide up the estate and start new
houses of their own. The eldest son was generally named after his father’s
father,(140) and would carry on the name of the eldest branch of his
great-grandfather’s house, and would be responsible for the proper
maintenance of the rites on that ancestor’s tomb. He would also be
guardian of any brotherless woman or minor amongst his cousins, each of
whom would be equally responsible to him and to each other for all the
duties and privileges entailed upon blood-relationship.
Thus seems naturally to spring up an inner group of blood-relations
closely drawn together by ties which only indirectly reached other and
outside members of the γένος.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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