Draft -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- Defenses; World War, 1914-1918
English statesmen had adopted this policy in fact, if
unavowedly--perhaps even to some extent unconsciously--when they first
entered into, and afterwards confirmed, the Triple Entente. And having
once entered into the Triple Entente it was obvious that, without
risking still graver consequences, we could never resume the detached
position which we occupied before we took that step. It is difficult
to {248} believe--seeing how the danger of German predominance
threatened France and Russia as well as ourselves--that we should not
have excited the ill-will of those two countries had we refused to make
common cause by joining the Triple Entente. It was obvious, however,
to every one that we could not afterwards retire from this association
without incurring their hostility. If we had withdrawn we should have
been left, not merely without a friend in Europe, but with all the
chief Powers in Europe our enemies--ready upon the first favourable
occasion to combine against us.
There is only one precedent in our history for so perilous a
situation--when Napoleon forced Europe into a combination against us in
1806. And this precedent, though it then threatened our Empire with
grave dangers, did not threaten it with dangers comparable in gravity
with those which menaced us a century later.
The consequences of breaking away from the Triple Entente were
sufficiently plain. "We may build ships against one nation, or even
against a combination of nations. But we cannot build ships against
half Europe. If Western Europe, with all its ports, its harbours, its
arsenals, and its resources, was to fall under the domination of a
single will, no effort of ours would be sufficient to retain the
command of the sea. It is a balance of power on the continent, which
alone makes it possible for us to retain it. Thus the maintenance of
the balance of power is vital to our superiority at sea, which again is
vital to the security of the British Empire."[2]
{249}
Security in the widest sense was the ultimate end of our
policy--security of mind, security from periodic panic, as well as
actual military security. Looked at more closely, the immediate end
was defence--the defence of the British Empire and of the United
Kingdom.
[Sidenote: DEFENCE AND INVASION]
In the existing condition of the world a policy of 'splendid isolation'
was no longer possible. Conditions with which we are familiar in
commercial affairs, had presented themselves in the political sphere,
and co-operation on a large scale had become necessary in order to
avoid bankruptcy. England had entered into the Triple Entente because
her statesmen realised, clearly or vaguely, that by doing so we should
be better able to defend our existence, and for no other reason.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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