Draft -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- Defenses; World War, 1914-1918
To these questions there was no answer which carried authority; the
official oracles were dumb. We are a democratic country, and yet none
of our rulers had ever yet spoken plainly to us. None of the
Secretaries for War, none of the Prime Ministers since the beginning of
the century, had ever stated the issue with uncompromising simplicity,
as the case required. None of them had ever taken the country into his
confidence, either as to the extent of the danger or as to the nature
of the remedy. It is necessary to assume--in the light of subsequent
events--that these statesmen had in fact realised the danger, and were
not ignorant of the preparations which were required to forestall it.
Certainly it is hard to believe otherwise; but at times, remembering
their speeches and their acts, one is inclined to give them the
benefit, if it be a benefit, of the doubt.
[Sidenote: BRITAIN AND EUROPEAN INTERESTS]
The question at issue was in reality a graver matter than the security
of the United Kingdom or the British Empire. The outlook was wider
even than this. The best guarantee for the preservation of the peace
of Europe, and of the World, would have been a British army
proportionate to our population and resources. There could be no doubt
of this. For half a century or more we had, half unconsciously,
bluffed Europe into the belief that we did in fact possess such an
army; but gradually it had become {315} plain that this was not the
case. Since the Agadir incident the real situation was apparent even
to the man in the street--in Paris, Berlin, Brussels, the Hague,
Vienna, Rome, and Petrograd--in every capital, indeed, save perhaps in
London alone.
If England had possessed such an army as would have enabled her to
intervene with effect in European affairs, she would almost certainly
never have been called upon to intervene.[2] Peace in that case would
have preserved itself. For Europe knew--not from our professions, but
from the obvious facts, which are a much better assurance--that our
army would never be used except for one purpose only, _to maintain the
balance of Power_. She knew this to be our only serious concern; and,
except for the single nation which, at any given time, might be aiming
at predominance, it was also the most serious concern of the whole of
Europe. She knew us to be disinterested, in the diplomatic sense, with
regard to all other European matters. She knew that there was nothing
in Europe which we wished to acquire, and nothing--save in the extreme
south-west, a rock called Gibraltar, and in the Mediterranean an island
called Malta--which we held and were determined to maintain. In the
chancelleries of Europe all this was clearly recognised. And more and
more it was {316} coming to be recognised also by the organs of public
opinion on the Continent.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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