Draft -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- Defenses; World War, 1914-1918
As we look back over our country's history we {437} find that it was
those men who told the people the whole truth--or what, at least, they
themselves honestly believed to be the whole truth--who most often
succeeded in carrying their proposals through. In these matters, which
touch the very life and soul of the nation, all artifice is out of
place. The power of persuasion lies in the truthfulness of the
advocate, no less than in the truth of his plea. If the would-be
reformer is only half sincere, if from timidity or regard for popular
opinion he chooses to tell but half his tale--selecting this,
suppressing that, postponing the other to a more propitious season--he
loses by his misplaced caution far more than half his strength. When
there is a case to be laid before the British People it is folly to do
it piecemeal, by astute stages of pleading, and with subtle
reservations. If the whole case can be put unflinchingly it is not the
People who will flinch. The issue may be left with safety to a
tribunal which has never yet failed in its duty, when rulers have had
the courage to say where its duty lay.
[1] "A war conducted with energy cannot be directed merely against the
combatants of the enemy State and the positions they occupy, but it
will and must in like manner seek to destroy the total intellectual and
material resources of the latter. Humanitarian claims, such as the
protection of men and their goods, can only be taken into consideration
in so far as the nature and object of the war permit.
"International Law is in no way opposed to the exploitation of the
crimes of third parties (assassination, incendiarism, robbery, and the
like) to the prejudice of the enemy.... The necessary aim of war gives
the belligerent the right and imposes on him the duty, according to
circumstances, the duty not to let slip the important, it may be the
decisive advantages to be gained by such means."--_The German War
Book_, issued by the Great General Staff.
[2] Clearly, however, when it comes to the discussion of terms of
peace, not only the political question, but also the criminal question,
will have to be remembered. Oddly enough the 'pacifist' section, which
has already been clamorous for putting forward peace proposals, seems
very anxious that we should forget, or at any rate ignore, the criminal
question--odd, because 'humanity' is the stuff they have set up their
bills to trade in.
[3] In reality, as regards party politics, we have been for years past
very like those shouting, cigarette-smoking, Saturday crowds at
football matches whom we have lately been engaged in reproving so
virtuously.
[4] Certainly up to April 1915 it was not an uncommon belief.
[5] Mr. Lloyd George, _Pearson's Magazine_, March 1915.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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