Our Changing ConstitutionPierson, Charles W. (Charles Wheeler)
History
Our Changing Constitution
Pierson, Charles W. (Charles Wheeler)
Constitutional history -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
That is a question which is agitating a good many people just now.
Congress from time to time has seemed disposed to try it, in spite of
misgivings as to the constitutionality of such legislation.[1] A recent
Revenue Bill contained provisions taxing the income of future issues of
such obligations, and a motion for the elimination of those provisions
was defeated in the House 132 to 61. Meanwhile, protests were pouring in
from state and municipal officers assailing the justice and expediency
of such a tax.
[Footnote 1: See, e.g., H. Report No. 767, 65th Cong., 2d Sess.,
accompanying House Revenue Bill of 1918 as reported by Mr. Kitchin from
the Committee on Ways and Means, page 89.]
It is not the purpose of this chapter to discuss the questions of
justice and expediency (as to which there is much to be said on both
sides) but rather to deal with the strictly legal aspects of the matter
and indicate briefly why such a tax cannot be laid without a change in
our fundamental law.
Let it be said at the outset that no express provision of the United
States Constitution forbids. On the contrary, that instrument confers on
Congress the power to lay taxes without any restriction or limitation
save that exports shall not be taxed, that duties, imposts, and excises
shall be uniform throughout the United States, and that direct taxes
must be apportioned among the states in proportion to population. The
obstacle lies rather in an implied limitation inherent in our dual
system of government and formulated in decisions of the Supreme Court.
The founders of this republic established a form of government wherein
the states, though subordinate to the Federal Government in all matters
within its jurisdiction, nevertheless remained distinct bodies politic,
each one supreme in its own sphere. In the famous phrase of Salmon P.
Chase, pronouncing judgment as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court[1]:
The Constitution in all its provisions looks to an
indestructible Union, composed of indestructible states.
[Footnote 1: _Texas v. White_, 7 Wall., 700, 725.]
In a later case[1] another eminent justice (Samuel Nelson of New York)
put the matter thus:
The General Government, and the states, although both exist
within the same territorial limits, are separate and distinct
sovereignties, acting separately and independently of each
other, within their respective spheres. The former, in its
appropriate sphere, is supreme; but the states within the
limits of their powers not granted, or, in the language of the
10th Amendment, "reserved", are as independent of the General
Government as that government within its sphere is independent
of the states.
[Footnote 1: _The Collector v. Day_, 11 Wall., 113, 124.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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