Our Union and Its Defenders: An Oration, Delivered Before the Citizens of Burlington, N.J., on the Occasion of Their Celebration of the Eighty-Sixth Anniversary of Independence Day, July 4th, 1862Pugh, J. Howard (John Howard)
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Our Union and Its Defenders: An Oration, Delivered Before the Citizens of Burlington, N.J., on the Occasion of Their Celebration of the Eighty-Sixth Anniversary of Independence Day, July 4th, 1862
Pugh, J. Howard (John Howard)
Fourth of July orations; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Religious aspects
which questions must frequently arise to be settled only by the sword;
agitate the peaceful current of their lives with ever-recurring waves
of war; allow their individuality, their liberty of thought and speech,
to become absorbed, year after year, in that oneness of purpose, that
subordination to another’s will, which military law requires, and
they will become as ready, as others have before them, to seek rest,
stability and peace at the expense of liberty and equality, under the
rigour of despotic rule.
There is one other thought I would refer to, in considering these
causes, which keep the North so true to the Union. It is this: these
same causes must operate powerfully in hastening the return of the
South to her allegiance, when once her military power is broken. I
speak, now, upon the supposition that her military power can be broken.
This I have never doubted, and never expect to. If we crush her
political and military leaders, stop for a season the systematic lying
by which she has been deluded, give her time to cool and consider,
she will cheerfully return to her allegiance. If her territory were
separated from ours by great natural barriers, if she were a distinct
and oppressed nationality, like Poland, or Hungary, or Italy, or
Ireland; if her people were of a different race, spoke a different
language, professed a different religion, and were fighting in a
righteous, or at least a reasonable cause,――then we might doubt the
possibility of the restoration of good feeling. There is no doubt but
that the South is carrying on the war with great unanimity, for war
creates its own arguments; but there is no reason to believe that
the masses of the South have ever been convinced that their leaders
were right in beginning the war, or that the breaking up of the Union
could ever ultimate in anything but disaster to themselves and their
posterity. There is great reason to believe that the arch leaders
themselves did not contemplate, at the outset, the destruction of this
government, with a view of establishing two or more independent ones as
a final result. They wanted a new constitution. They could not change
the old one in a constitutional way; they chose to make a new one in an
unconstitutional way. They expected the Border States would immediately
come under it; they expected soon to absorb the Middle States, and the
lower tier of the Northwestern States, and finally all the rest, when
these had become sufficiently humbled. They expected to avoid civil
war; they thought the North quite too craven and mercenary for that,
and, as a chief means of success in accomplishing these ends, they
counted upon the aid of a powerful party in the North. This aid they
received, backed by such journals as the _New York Herald_ and scores
of others, all advocating the adoption of the Montgomery Constitution,
until the bombardment of Fort Sumter awoke the loyalty of the Northern
masses, and the majesty of the United States Government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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