Petition and memorial of David Quinn, asking for the re-establishment of Negro slavery in the United StatesQuinn, David, active 1850-1869
History
Petition and memorial of David Quinn, asking for the re-establishment of Negro slavery in the United States
Quinn, David, active 1850-1869
Slavery -- United States -- Justification
Already is our property in rapid transit from native to immigrated
hands, and we, even rejoicing at the opportunities which
circumstances give us, of selling or giving our country away. Look
around you, and see who are vendors and who are purchasers of real
estate, and the point will at once become palpable and plain. See,
too, who are becoming landlords, and who are becoming tenants;
and, under the new order of things—outside of that combination
of wholesale swindlers who converted our property into national
securities, and then stole to their fullness—who are the holders of
our national bonds? Look at them here and abroad, as they are now
sporting on property wrenched from American hands, and you may have
some idea of the condition into which you are driving your nation.
The political tendency is no less marked than the transition of
estates, and may by as simple an effort be disclosed. You can try it
by the same rule, no matter what may be your party relations. If you
be a democrat, try and elect even a constable in any ward of any city
of the United States without first consulting your Irish supports,
and then see the point at which your efforts will end. Or if you be
a republican, and think your condition more tolerable, try the same
“experiment” without in like manner first asking permission of “my
German friends,” and when you have ended the trial let us know the
end of the horn at which you made your exit. You know that you can
not so elect, therefore are you humbled to influences from abroad.
Such are conditions before the ballot. Americans no longer masters of
their own position. But what are conditions behind it?
When you wanted revenue, you unhesitatingly imposed a duty of two
dollars on a gallon of whisky; but when you came to lager beer, you
very modestly stopped at the short figures of three cents on the
gallon. Why did you do so? We will not venture an answer for you;
but, as Americans make whisky, and Germans make lager beer, we have
no trouble in seeing who are favored, and who are oppressed. The
American man, and particularly the Western one, whipped out of his
independence, submits to whatever you dare to impose. But Deitrich
is not quite so pliable. He waits upon _his servants_ in force. This
he did with his various committees, while his servants were imposing
duties, and, shaking his fingers in their faces, with a leer of the
eye, and a significant turn of the mouth, said: “You must not dax te
lager peer!” What then followed? Deitrich knew his power, and Mr.
Congressman his dependence—both, of course, alike manly, unterrified,
and impartial. But when the bill came forth, we found a tax of two
dollars on whisky and three cents on beer. Further comment might be
disrespectful.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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