Philosophical Works, v. 2 (of 4): Including All the Essays, and Exhibiting the More Important Alterations and Corrections in the Successive Editions Published by the AuthorHume, David
PhilosophyPhilosophy
Philosophical Works, v. 2 (of 4): Including All the Essays, and Exhibiting the More Important Alterations and Corrections in the Successive Editions Published by the Author
Hume, David
Knowledge, Theory of; Philosophy, English -- 18th century
We find, that magistrates are so far from deriving their authority, and
the obligation to obedience in their subjects, from the foundation of
a promise or original contract, that they conceal, as far as possible,
from their people, especially from the vulgar, that they have their
origin from thence. Were this the sanction of government, our rulers
would never receive it tacitly, which is the utmost that can be
pretended; since what is given tacitly and insensibly, can never have
such influence on mankind as what is performed expressly and openly.
A tacit promise is, where the will is signified by other more diffuse
signs than those of speech; but a will there must certainly be in the
case, and that can never escape the person's notice who exerted it,
however silent or tacit. But were you to ask the far greatest part of
the nation, whether they had ever consented to the authority of their
rulers, or promised to obey them, they would be inclined to think very
strangely of you; and would certainly reply, that the affair depended
not on their consent, but that they were born to such an obedience.
In consequence of this opinion, we frequently see them imagine such
persons to be their natural rulers, as are at that time deprived of
all power and authority, and whom no man, however foolish, would
voluntarily choose; and this merely because they are in that line
which ruled before, and in that decree of it which used to succeed:
though perhaps in so distant a period, that scarce any man alive could
ever have given any promise of obedience. Has a government, then, no
authority over such as these, because they never consented to it,
and would esteem the very attempt of such a free choice a piece of
arrogance and impiety? We find by experience, that it punishes them
very freely for what it calls treason and rebellion, which, it seems,
according to this system, reduces itself to common injustice. If you
say, that by dwelling in its dominions, they in effect consented to
the established government, I answer, that this can only be where they
think the affair depends on their choice, which few or none beside
those philosophers have ever yet imagined. It never was pleaded as an
excuse for a rebel, that the first act he performed, after he came
to years of discretion, was to levy war against the sovereign of the
state; and that, while he was a child he could not bind himself by his
own consent, and having become a man, showed plainly, by the first act
he performed, that he had no design to impose on himself any obligation
to obedience. We find, on the contrary, that civil laws punish this
crime at the same age as any other which is criminal of itself,
without our consent; that is, when the person is come to the full use
of reason: whereas to this crime it ought in justice to allow some
intermediate time, in which a tacit consent at least might be supposed.
To which we may add, that a man living under an absolute government
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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