Physics and Politics, or, Thoughts on the application of the principles of "natural selection" and "inheritance" to political societyBagehot, Walter
Philosophy
Physics and Politics, or, Thoughts on the application of the principles of "natural selection" and "inheritance" to political society
Bagehot, Walter
Evolution; Nationalism; Political science
At first sight it seems impossible to imagine what conceivable function
such awful religions can perform in the economy of the world. And no
one can fully explain them. But one use they assuredly had: they fixed
the yoke of custom thoroughly on mankind. They were the prime agents of
the era. They put upon a fixed law a sanction so fearful that no one
could dream of not conforming to it. No one will ever comprehend the
arrested civilisations unless he sees the strict dilemma of early
society. Either men had no law at all, and lived in confused tribes,
hardly hanging together, or they had to obtain a fixed law by processes
of incredible difficulty. Those who surmounted that difficulty soon
destroyed all those that lay in their way who did not. And then they a
themselves were caught in their own yoke. The customary discipline,
which could only be imposed on any early men by terrible sanctions,
continued with those sanctions, and killed out of the whole society the
propensities to variation which are the principle--of progress.
Experience shows how incredibly difficult it is to get men really to
encourage the principle of originality. They will admit it in theory,
but in practice the old error--the error which arrested a hundred
civilisations--returns again. Men are too fond of their own life, too
credulous of the completeness of their own ideas, too angry at the pain
of new thoughts, to be able to bear easily with a changing existence;
or else, having new ideas, they want to enforce them on mankind--to
make them heard, and admitted, and obeyed before, in simple competition
with other ideas, they would ever be so naturally. At this very moment
there are the most rigid Comtists teaching that we ought to be governed
by a hierarchy--a combination of savans orthodox in science. Yet who
can doubt that Comte would have been hanged by his own hierarchy; that
his essor materiel, which was in fact troubled by the 'theologians and
metaphysicians' of the Polytechnic School, would have been more impeded
by the government he wanted to make? And then the secular Comtists, Mr.
Harrison and Mr. Beesly, who want to 'Frenchify the English
institutions'--that is, to introduce here an imitation of the
Napoleonic system, a dictatorship founded on the proletariat--who can
doubt that if both these clever writers had been real Frenchmen they
would have been irascible anti-Bonapartists, and have been sent to
Cayenne long ere now? The wish of these writers is very natural. They
want to 'organise society,' to erect a despot who will do what they
like, and work out their ideas; but any despot will do what he himself
likes, and will root out new ideas ninety-nine times for once that he
introduces them. Again, side by side with these Comtists, and warring
with them--at least with one of them--is Mr. Arnold, whose poems we
know by heart, and who has, as much as any living Englishman, the
genuine literary impulse; and yet even he wants to put a yoke upon
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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