ideas of Homeric society, and in particular from the conception of the Achaeans as a tribal people, which we have associated with Ridgeway and H. Seebohm. We believe that an attempt to decide this question is necessary for the elucidation of many Homeric problems, such as that of blood-vengeance or of land-tenure. We shall adduce evidence, in our study of Homeric blood-vengeance, which will serve as a confirmation of Leaf’s hypothesis. At present we will confine ourselves to some more general arguments which can be regarded as supplementary to the evidence which Leaf himself puts forward. Ridgeway, in discussing[71] the mode of land-tenure in Homeric Greece, seeks to prove that the Homeric poems reveal an evolution in the private ownership of land, beginning with a stage in which, as in the _Iliad_, land is held in common by all tribesmen except the king or chief whose _temenos_ is private and personal and probably hereditary, and progressing to a stage in which, as in the _Odyssey_, ‘allotments’ among tribesmen tend to accumulate and to become more and more a family inheritance within the tribe, without attaining to the stage of absolutely private ownership which we find in the time of Hesiod. Such an evolution is, of course, a characteristic feature of settled tribal existence. Sir Henry Maine, in his interesting analysis[72] of the origin of private property in land, distinguishes three stages of its growth. In the first stage, there is communal ownership, both of land and harvest, such as is still found among some Highland clans of Scotland: the food-supplies of individuals are doled out, sometimes daily, by the chiefs of the clans.[73] The periodical distribution of the ‘harvest,’ such as was made by the elders of tribal Slavonic subjects in the once mighty Austrian and Turkish Empires, marks a slight modification of this system, which does not, however, affect the tenure of land.[74] ‘In the Russian villages, however,’ says Maine,[75] ‘the substance of the property ceases to be looked upon as indivisible, and separate proprietary claims are allowed freely to grow up.... After the expiration of a given, but not in all cases of the same, period, separate ownerships are extinguished, the land of the village is thrown into a mass: and then it is redistributed among the families composing the community, according to their number.’ The third stage finds an illustration in India, where, as Maine says,[76] ‘not only is there no indivisibility of the common fund, but separate proprietorship in parts of it may be indefinitely prolonged and may branch out into any number of derivative ownerships, the _de facto_ partition of the stock being, however, checked by inveterate usage and by the rule against the admission of strangers without the consent of the brotherhood.’ Though neither Maine nor Ridgeway mentions the analogy, we think we can trace some such evolution in the old German tribes as described by Caesar and by Tacitus. Caesar