Popular Law-making: A study of the origin, history, and present tendencies of law-making by statute — John Shaqi
Popular Law-making: A study of the origin, history, and present tendencies of law-making by statuteStimson, Frederic Jesup
History
Popular Law-making: A study of the origin, history, and present tendencies of law-making by statute
Stimson, Frederic Jesup
Legislation -- United States
We are now coming also to that great range of statutes, which, on the
one hand, control labor and regulate the rights of the laborer, both
in his prices and in his hours; and, on the other, those statutes
relating to what we call "trusts," conspiracy, and trades-unions,
which have made common-law principles which are to-day, all of them,
invoked by our courts; and form the precedents of practically all
our modern legislation on matters affecting labor, labor disputes,
injunctions, strikes, boycotts, blacklists, restraint of trade, and
trusts--in fact, the largest field of discussion now before the mind
of the American people. The subjects are more or less connected. That
is, you have the growth of legislation as to laborers on the one
hand, and on the other you have the growth of this legislation as to
combinations or conspiracies, trades-unions, guilds, etc.
(1304) Now let us begin at that first statute of conspiracy, and find
what the definition of a conspiracy is; because it is a very important
question to-day, whether we are going to stick to the old common-law
idea or not. The very title of this statute is "A definition of
conspirators," and it begins: "Conspirators be they that do confeder
or bind themselves together by oath, covenant or other alliance"
either to indict or maintain lawsuits; "and such as retain men in
the Countrie with Liveries or Fees for to maintain their malicious
Enterprises, and this extends as well to the Takers as to the Givers."
And as it gradually assumed shape and got definite and broad, the
idea, we will say, by 1765, when Blackstone wrote, was this: _A
conspiracy is a combination by two or more men, persons or companies,
to bring about, either an unlawful result by means lawful or unlawful,
or a lawful result by unlawful means._ Now so far the definition is
admitted. Everybody agrees, both the labor leaders and the courts,
on that definition--that when two or more people combine together
to effect an _unlawful_ object, it is a conspiracy; which is both a
criminal offence under the laws of the land everywhere, and also gives
the party injured a right to damages, that is, what we call a civil
suit; and furthermore no _act_ is necessary. There is no doubt about
that part of the definition. Or where they combine to get a lawful
end by unlawful means, as, for instance, when laborers combine to get
their employer to raise their wages by the process of knocking on the
head all men that come to take their places, that is gaining a lawful
end by unlawful means, by intimidation--and is a conspiracy. But now
the whole doctrine in discussion comes in: If you have a combination
to bring about by _lawful_ means the _injury_ of a third person in his
lawful rights--not amounting to crime--is that an unlawful conspiracy?
Yes--for it is a "malicious enterprise." So is our law, and the common
law of England, yes. And you can easily see the common-sense of it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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