Just as in political theory the nineteenth century liberals neglected adequately to provide for the problems which war creates, so also in their economic theory they ignored the dislocations of a war period. In his study of war in the nineteenth century,[21] Edmund Silberner has shown how the liberals’ repugnance to the destructiveness of war, their conviction of its immorality and stupidity, coupled with their faith that the economic and cultural bonds which would be created among nations by extensive free trade would prevent future wars, caused them to neglect adequate theoretical treatment of the problem of war in their economic thought. Silberner points out, for example, that in his chief work, _Elements of Political Economy_ (1821), James Mill virtually does not deal at all with war.[22] And Mill’s distinguished son is brief on the subject of war. John Stuart Mill, according to Silberner’s interpretation, seemed to admit that virtually everything that can be said on this theme had already been expressed before him.[23] Thus do democratic political theorists tacitly admit the existence of a fatal defect in any system of constitutional democracy: Its processes are inadequate to confront and overcome emergency. MACHIAVELLI Machiavelli’s view of emergency powers as one element in the whole scheme of limited government furnishes an ironic contrast to the Lockean theory of prerogative. He recognized and attempted to bridge this chasm in democratic political theory: “Now in a well-ordered republic it should never be necessary to resort to extra-constitutional measures; for although they may for the time be beneficial, yet the precedent is pernicious, for if the practice is once established of disregarding the laws for good objects, they will in a little while be disregarded under that pretext for evil purposes. Thus no republic will ever be perfect if she has not by law provided for everything, having a remedy for every emergency, and fixed rules for applying it.”[24] Machiavelli attempted, perhaps without complete success, but with greater caution than the later theorists, to design a system of constitutionalized emergency powers. The incumbent executive authority, on finding that an emergency existed, could appoint a temporary “dictator”[25] on the Roman model. The constitution was not suspended, and the emergency executive did not enjoy absolute power. His narrow function was to cope with the emergency.[26] He operated under the surveillance of the regularly constituted legislators and government officials. A key element of Machiavelli’s scheme was a short term of office--“and I call a year or more a long time.”[27]