Powers of the President during crises — John Shaqi
Powers of the President during crisesSmith, J. Malcolm (John Malcolm)
History
Powers of the President during crises
Smith, J. Malcolm (John Malcolm)
Constitutional history -- United States; Executive power -- United States
Cornelius P. Cotter began his academic career at Stanford University
in 1946 following three years as a Navy Seabee in the Pacific during
the Second World War. He received his A.B. in 1949 from Stanford,
and an M.P.A. (1951) and Ph.D. in government (1953) from Harvard
University. He was a Sheldon Travelling Fellow from Harvard University
to the University of London from 1951-52. After serving as Instructor
in Government at Columbia University 1952-53, he returned to his
alma mater, Stanford, in 1953 as an Assistant Professor of Political
Science. He is currently on leave as an Associate Professor from
Stanford University to serve as a special assistant to the Chairman
of the Republican National Committee, Senator Thruston B. Morton.
From December 1958 to December 1959, he served as the Citizenship
Clearinghouse Fellow to the Republican National Committee.
The authors have contributed to the Western Political Quarterly,
Stanford Law Review, the Journal of Politics, and the Midwestern
Political Science Review. Currently they are collaborating on a
textbook in American Government.
This study of presidential emergency powers was initiated by the
authors in 1955 while teaching at Stanford and the University of
California; revision and expansion were undertaken in Washington, D.
C., during 1959 and 1960.
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
The general welfare, and military effectiveness of a modern industrial
nation depend upon the harmonious interaction of a complex,
interdependent network of production and transportation facilities.
The interruption of this process at any of a myriad of critical points
can disrupt the supply of essential civilian and military materials,
possibly undermining the economic health or military security of the
nation.[1] The urban concentration of population and the refinement of
communication devices and techniques for manipulating public opinion
make it increasingly possible to instill in the civilian population
an hysteria and terror which could effectively thwart national
mobilization.[2] Realization of the magnitude of the problem, and a
pervasive fear of military assault, vitally influence the process of
continuous redefinition of the balance between collective authority and
individual liberty which is the essential task of democratic government
in war as in peace. Emergency government has become the norm for
twentieth century constitutional states.
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