Practicable Socialism, New SeriesBarnett, S. A. (Samuel Augustus)
Religion
Practicable Socialism, New Series
Barnett, S. A. (Samuel Augustus)
Great Britain -- Social conditions -- 19th century; Social problems; Working class
But this is digression, and the fact remains that poverty does in the
case of thousands and hundreds of thousands of families prevent the
possibility of using the means necessary for the development of their
capacities. A wage of 20s. a week cannot permit schooling for the
children up to the age of fifteen; it will not, indeed, provide
sufficient food for the healthy life even of a small family. It can give
no margin for the little recreations by which the powers of the mind are
renewed, and does not allow for the leisure during growing years which
is necessary to the making of the mind. It leaves the breadwinner
fretted by anxiety lest in days of sickness or unemployment the wolf may
enter the door and destroy the home.
The mass of labourers are, in a word, too poor to be healthy or wise;
they are not fit to take a part in government, and they have not the
opportunity to make themselves fit. Their work is often costly though it
is cheap, and their votes are worthless though gained by much
canvassing. Wages which are not a living wage unfit workmen for their
duty in the government of the nation.
Does this fact justify a moral claim for a living wage to be fixed and
enforced by the community? Ought a wage sufficient for the support of
manhood to be a first charge on the product of labour and capital? The
answer has in effect been given by the establishment of Wages Boards.
There are now four trades in which a wage judged by a representative
committee to be a living wage is enforced, and the same principle has
lately been applied to the mining industry. The extension to other
trades--if the experiment succeeds--can only be a matter of time. The
claim of labour has been admitted, and the immediate question is, what
is likely to be the result. Employers who are forced to give a higher
wage will certainly require a higher standard of work. From one point of
view this is all to the good. The acceptance of low-class work is as
costly to the nation as it is degrading to the worker; it is a common
loss when workers make constant mistakes for want of intelligence, and
prove themselves to be not worthy a living wage. Every one is the better
for the discipline which is required by the service of men; it is likely
to make the nation richer and the workers more self-respecting, if they
are free to fit themselves to take their part in government. It will, in
economic language, probably tend to decrease the cost of production, and
therefore the cost of living.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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