Political ethics; Politics, Practical -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Here is a laborer on the street railroad. In order to get work he must
show a ticket from the party boss. It is his passport from the Czar,
countersigned by the proper official; otherwise he gets no job. Here
is a young notary whom you employ to carry about the certificate that
puts an independent candidate in nomination. You try to get him to sign
the thing himself and join your club. It is no use asking. His brother
did it once and lost his place; so close is the scrutiny, so rapid
the punishment. Examine the retail grocer, or the tobacconist, or
the cobbler; go into particulars with him, and you will find that his
unwillingness to join your movement does not spring so directly from
his inability to see the point of it, as from fear of the direct and
immediate consequences to himself.
We wanted to elevate the masses, but it turns out, as the
philanthropists discerned long ago, that there are no masses in
America, there are no masses in New York City. We can discover only
individuals, who are each controlled by individual interests, by
various and subtle considerations. These men are in chains to other
men, who often live in other parts of the city.
The attorneys and merchants, the business world in fact, is found to
be in league with abuse. The man who signs the laborer’s license to
work reports twice a day to a big contractor who is director in a bank
whose president owns the opera house and endowed the sailors’ home.
He built the yacht club, is vestryman in the biggest church, and is
revered by all men. The title-deeds and registry books of all visible
wealth, show the names of his intimate friends. All we can do in the
way of weakening the chains is to expose them; this cruelty is largely
ignorance. The beneficiaries must be made to see the sources of their
wealth. It is pre-occupation with business, not coldness of heart, that
conceals the conditions. The American business man is a warm-hearted
being. He does not even care for money, but for the game of business.
As matters now stand in America, we see this condition,--that it
is for the immediate interest of the dominant class, namely, the
politico-financial class, to keep the people as selfish as possible. We
have examined the subtle strains of influence and prejudice by which
this commercial interest has been extended, until, as a practical
matter, it is almost impossible for a man to get word to the laboring
classes that there exists such a thing as political morality. Some
professional philanthropist always stands ready to prevent the signal
of honesty from being raised; some set of Sunday citizens interposes to
stop the unwise, inexpedient, foolhardy attempt to be independent of
rascality.
And when you do succeed in reaching the mechanic, what can you do for
him? Tell him to be a man, and strike off the shackles that bind him.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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