in many ways, how many Protestants would enter its walls, how soon would the cry of Catholic ascendency be raised? Or suppose that Oxford and Cambridge were made 'non-religious,' as the Queen's Colleges in Ireland are, would not an immense majority of English parents declare that these seats of learning were 'godless,' and persistently keep their sons away from them? The simple truth is that the Catholic objections to Trinity College and the Queen's Colleges are really those which, in this matter, have been entertained by the deepest thinkers; to my mind, at least, they seem perfectly well-founded. As to the statement that these objections are those of the Irish Catholic bishops alone, and are mere 'superstitious fancies,' it is enough to reply that, on two occasions, the Irish Catholic laity have distinctly pronounced on this subject, and have declared that they agree with the heads of their Church. And as to the argument that Catholic States do not endow sectarian institutions like the Catholic University and other Irish Catholic colleges, it will be quite time enough to examine this when anything like such a state of things can be found as that which at present exists in Ireland. One argument, however, seldom frankly set forth, but hinted at in a variety of ways, has been a real obstacle to a reform of this vicious system; it strongly appeals to British national prejudice, of all aberrations of opinion the most difficult to overcome. 'Popery,' it is said, is a 'detestable thing;' a 'Protestant' State 'must have nothing to do with it;' to endow a Catholic University in Ireland, therefore, or any colleges of the same complexion, would be 'sacrificing to Baal,' or something as wicked. Catholic Ireland must put up with Trinity College and the Queen's Colleges, which have been made open to all sorts and conditions of men; its 'conscientious objections' are mere 'bigotry.' This reasoning, which condemns as impious the religion of the greatest part of Christendom, would unfortunately overthrow many arrangements by which provision has been made in our 'Protestant' State for Catholic institutions of different kinds; if pushed to its consequences, it would revive the penal code in Ireland, and lead to the confiscation of Catholic charities. But though it has still indirectly an effect on some politicians, it is, in its naked simplicity, only the faith of Mr. Kensit and of those who walk in his footsteps; it is worthy of the philosophy of Lord George Gordon, of the meekness of Orangeism, of the bray of Exeter Hall. For some time a turn in British opinion has happily taken place; 'liberalism,' it has been perceived, in Irish University education has failed; Mr. Arthur Balfour has made himself conspicuous in advocating the just claims of Catholic Ireland. Even as I write a Commission is being appointed to consider the whole subject of University life in Ireland; there can be no reasonable doubt that it will fully bring to light the