Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 2 (of 7)Roosevelt, Theodore
History
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 2 (of 7)
Roosevelt, Theodore
Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919; United States -- Politics and government -- 1901-1909
We can keep our government on a sane and healthy basis, we can make
and keep our social system what it should be, only on condition of
judging each man, not as a member of a class, but on his worth as a
man. It is an infamous thing in our American life, and fundamentally
treacherous to our institutions, to apply to any man any test save
that of his personal worth, or to draw between two sets of men any
distinction save the distinction of conduct, the distinction that
marks off those who do well and wisely from those who do ill and
foolishly. There are good citizens and bad citizens in every class
as in every locality, and the attitude of decent people toward
great public and social questions should be determined, not by the
accidental questions of employment or locality, but by those deep-set
principles which represent the innermost souls of men.
The failure in public and in private life thus to treat each man on
his own merits, the recognition of this government as being either
for the poor as such or for the rich as such, would prove fatal to
our Republic, as such failure and such recognition have always proved
fatal in the past to other republics. A healthy republican government
must rest upon individuals, not upon classes or sections. As soon as
it becomes government by a class or by a section it departs from the
old American ideal.
It is, of course, the merest truism to say that free institutions
are of avail only to people who possess the high and peculiar
characteristics needed to take advantage of such institutions. The
century that has just closed has witnessed many and lamentable
instances in which people have seized a government free in form, or
have had it bestowed upon them, and yet have permitted it under the
forms of liberty to become some species of despotism or anarchy,
because they did not have in them the power to make this seeming
liberty one of deed instead of one merely of word. Under such
circumstances the seeming liberty may be supplanted by a tyranny or
despotism in the first place, or it may reach the road of despotism
by the path of license and anarchy. It matters but little which
road is taken. In either case the same goal is reached. People show
themselves just as unfit for liberty whether they submit to anarchy
or to tyranny; and class government, whether it be the government of
a plutocracy or the government of a mob, is equally incompatible with
the principles established in the days of Washington and perpetuated
in the days of Lincoln.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account