Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 3 (of 7) — John Shaqi
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 3 (of 7)Roosevelt, Theodore
History
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 3 (of 7)
Roosevelt, Theodore
Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919; United States -- Politics and government -- 1901-1909
He is but a poor American who, looking at this field, does not feel
within himself a deeper reverence for the Nation’s past and a higher
purpose to make the Nation’s future rise level to her past. Here fought
the chosen sons of the North and the South, the East and the West.
The armies which on this field contended for the mastery were veteran
armies, hardened by long campaigning and desperate fighting into such
instruments of war as no other nation then possessed. The severity of
the fighting is attested by the proportionate loss—a loss unrivaled
in any battle of similar size since the close of the Napoleonic
struggles; a loss which in certain regiments was from three-fourths to
four-fifths of the men engaged. Every spot on this field has its own
associations of soldierly duty nobly done, of supreme self-sacrifice
freely rendered. The names of the chiefs who served in the two armies
form a long honor roll; and the enlisted men were worthy, and even more
than worthy, of those who led them. Every acre of this ground has its
own associations. We see where the fight thundered through and around
the village of Gettysburg; where the artillery formed on the ridges;
where the cavalry fought; where the hills were attacked and defended;
and where, finally, the great charge surged up the slope only to break
on the summit in the bloody spray of gallant failure.
But the soldiers who won at Gettysburg, the soldiers who fought to a
finish the Civil War and thereby made their countrymen forever their
debtors, have left us far more even than the memories of the war
itself. They fought for four years in order that on this Continent
those who came after them, their children and their children’s
children, might enjoy a lasting peace. They took arms not to destroy,
but to save liberty; not to overthrow, but to establish the supremacy
of the law. The crisis which they faced was to determine whether or
not this people was fit for self-government and, therefore, fit for
liberty. Freedom is not a gift which can be enjoyed save by those
who show themselves worthy of it. In this world no privilege can
be permanently appropriated by men who have not the power and the
will successfully to assume the responsibility of using it aright.
In his recent admirable little volume on freedom and responsibility
in democratic government, President Hadley of Yale has pointed
out that the freedom which is worth anything is the freedom which
means self-government and not anarchy. Freedom thus conceived is a
constructive force, which enables an intelligent and good man to do
better things than he could do without it; which is in its essence the
substitution of self-restraint for external restraint—the substitution
of a form of restraint which promotes progress for the form which
retards it. This is the right view to take of freedom; but it can only
be taken if there is a full recognition of the close connection between
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