Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 4 (of 7) — John Shaqi
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 4 (of 7)Roosevelt, Theodore
History
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 4 (of 7)
Roosevelt, Theodore
Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919; United States -- Politics and government -- 1901-1909
But it is equally important to remember that no amount of good
intention, no amount of sweetness and light, no amount of appreciation
of decency avails in the least in the rough work of the world as we
find it, unless back of the honesty of purpose, back of the decency
of life and thought, lies the power that makes a man a man. This is
true of the individual and it is true of the Nation. It is absolutely
essential that this Nation, if it is to hold the position in the future
that it has held in the past, must act not only within but without
its own borders in a spirit of justice and of large generosity toward
all other peoples. We owe this as an obligation to ourselves, we owe
it as an obligation to all mankind. More and more as we increase in
strength I hope to see a corresponding increase in the sober sense
of responsibility which shall prevent us either injuring or insulting
any other people. You may notice that I said “insulting” as well as
“injuring.” If there is one quality sometimes shown among us which
is not commendable it is the habit of speaking loosely about foreign
powers, foreign races. You do not need any of you to be told that
in private life you will often resent an insult quite as much as an
injury; and our public speakers and writers need to steadily keep
before their minds the thought that no possible good can come to us by
speaking offensively of any one else; while trouble may come.
It has been well said that the surest way for a nation to invite
disaster is to be opulent, aggressive, and unarmed. Now, we are
opulent, and I hope we shall remain so. I trust that we shall never be
aggressive unless aggression is not merely justified, but demanded;
demanded either by our own self-respect or by the interests of mankind.
But above all, let us remember that to be aggressive in speech or act,
and not to be armed, invites not merely disaster, but the contempt of
mankind.
Brooklyn not only furnished valiant soldiers to the Civil War, but it
furnished in time of peace a most excellent Secretary of the Navy of
the United States, General Tracy. If our navy is good enough, we have
a long career of peace before us. The only likelihood of trouble ever
coming to us as a nation will arise if we let our navy become too small
or inefficient. A first-class navy—first-class in point of size, above
all first-class in point of efficiency of the individual units acting
as units and in combination—is the surest and the cheapest guarantee
of peace. I should think that any man looking at what is happening and
what has happened abroad and in our own history during the past few
years, must be indeed blind if he can not read that lesson clearly.
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