A national executive will also be necessary. I have scarcely
ventured to form my own opinion yet, either of the manner in
which it ought to be constituted, or of the authorities with
which it ought to be clothed.
We know that every plan of government proposed or presented to
the convention embodied in some form as a prominent feature the
establishment of an effective Executive; and I think it can be safely
said that no subject was submitted which proved more perplexing and
troublesome. We ought not to consider this as unnatural. Many members
of the convention, while obliged to confess that the fears and
prejudices that refused executive power to the Confederacy had led to
the most unfortunate results, were still confronted with a remnant of
those fears and prejudices, and were not yet altogether free from the
suspicion that the specter of monarchy might be concealed behind every
suggestion of executive force. Others less timid were nevertheless
tremendously embarrassed by a lack of definite and clear conviction as
to the manner of creating the new office and fixing its limitations.
Still another difficulty, which seems to have been all-pervading and
chronic in the convention, and which obstinately fastened itself
to the discussion of the subject, was the jealousy and suspicion
existing between the large and small States. I am afraid, also, that
an unwillingness to trust too much to the people had its influence
in preventing an easy solution of the executive problem. The first
proposal made in the convention that the President should be elected by
the people was accompanied by an apologetic statement by the member
making the suggestion that he was almost unwilling to declare the mode
of selection he preferred, “being apprehensive that it might appear
chimerical.” Another favored the idea of popular election, but thought
it “impracticable”; another was not clear that the people ought to act
directly even in the choice of electors, being, as alleged, “too little
informed of personal characters in large districts, and liable to
deception”; and again, it was declared that “it would be as unnatural
to refer the choice of a proper character for Chief Magistrate to the
people as it would to refer a trial of colors to a blind man.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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