Pride and Passion: Robert Burns, 1759-1796Ferguson, J. De Lancey (John De Lancey)
History
Pride and Passion: Robert Burns, 1759-1796
Ferguson, J. De Lancey (John De Lancey)
Burns, Robert, 1759-1796
Nevertheless, so far as the improvements in methods increased the
productivity of the farms, the new developments were economically
sound. But the nation’s increasing foreign trade operated to inflate
land values. Merchants who had made money in the Indies wished to
retire, and the prestige of setting up as landed gentry combined with
the lack of sound corporate investments to bid up the value of land
in the more attractive parts of the kingdom to levels where a fair
return on the investment was possible only by rack-renting the tenants.
Burns himself, and his father before him, were victims of this
over-capitalization. They had to pay for marginal lands at rates which
would have been fair rentals for the best. And of course speculation
in land brought with it speculative banking. In Burns’s youth many of
the Ayrshire gentry were crippled or ruined outright by the failure of
the Douglas and Heron Bank, which, organized on a lavish scale, quickly
got into trouble through excessive loans on real estate. The ruined
gentry retired to the Continent, or to lodgings in Edinburgh, and their
estates were taken over by nabobs home from the Indies.
All this drama of political corruption and of social and economic
change was played against the background of the old religious life
of Scotland. Though the intellectual life of the country had never
been squalid like its physical life, it had at the beginning of the
eighteenth century become torpid. From the time of John Knox until
after the Act of Union the real government of Scotland, like that of
colonial Massachusetts, was a theocracy. The King and the powers of the
state were far off from the life of the average peasant or tradesman,
but the Kirk watched all his goings out and comings in. Not only did
it administer matters which in other times and other nations have
been regarded as spiritual concerns, but it also largely took the
place of magistrates and police. Critics of puritanism who have chosen
colonial New England as their dire example have made a mistake. They
should have chosen Scotland. Whatever the theory of church government
in New England may have been, in practice the man at odds with the
establishment suffered few real hardships beyond the loss of his vote
and a moderate amount of discriminatory taxation--provided he had
the discretion to mind his business and keep his mouth shut. But in
seventeenth-century Scotland estrangement from the church might mean
exile from the kingdom, under penalty of practical starvation if the
rebel tried to stick it out at home. Except that it lacked the power
to relax its heretics to the secular arm for mutilation or death, the
Scottish hierarchy was own brother to the Spanish Inquisition.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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