It is a fortunate fact that supposing a revival of militancy in China, a
revival which is possible but not probable, the first brunt of the
trouble would probably fall upon Japan. At the present moment Japan is
the most serious offender against China's national pride. As the
conqueror of Corea and the occupier of Manchuria, she trespasses most of
all foreign Powers on the territories and the rights of China. After
Japan, Russia would have to expect a demand for a reckoning; Great
Britain would come third and might come into collision with an
aggressive China, either because of the existence of such settlements as
Hong Kong or because of the Thibetan boundary. A China in search of
enemies, however, would find no lack of good pretexts for quarrelling.
There are, for instance, the offensive and humiliating restrictions on
Chinese immigration of the United States, of Canada, New Zealand and
Australia.
I find it necessary, however, to conclude that so far as the near
future is concerned, China will not take a great warrior part in the
determining of Pacific issues. She may be able to enforce a more
wholesome respect for her territorial integrity: she may push away some
intruders: she may even insist on a less injurious and contemptuous
attitude towards her nationals abroad. But she will not, I think, seek
greatness by a policy of aggression. There is no analogy between her
conditions and those of Japan at the time of the Japanese acceptance of
European arts and crafts. Japan at the time was a bitterly quarrelsome
country: she turned from civil to foreign war. China has been
essentially pacific for some centuries. Japan was faced at the outset of
her national career with the fact that she had to expand her territory
or else she could not hope to exist as a great Power. China has within
her own borders all that is necessary for national greatness.
If at a later date the Chinese, either from a too-thorough study of the
lore of European civilisation, or from the pressure of a population
deprived of all Malthusian checks and thus finding an outlet absolutely
necessary, should decide to put armies and navies to work for the
obtaining of new territory, the peril will be great to the White Man.
Such a Chinese movement could secure Asia for the Asiatics, and might
not stop at that point. But that danger is not of this decade, though
it may have to be faced later by the White Power which wins the
supremacy of the Pacific.
FOOTNOTES:
[3] A very clear statement as to the position in China was that given in
London during January of 1912 by Mr Kwei Chih, a secretary of the
Chinese Legation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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