Progress and Poverty, Volumes I and II: An Inquiry into the Cause of Industrial Depressions and of Increase of Want with Increase of WealthGeorge, Henry
General
Progress and Poverty, Volumes I and II: An Inquiry into the Cause of Industrial Depressions and of Increase of Want with Increase of Wealth
George, Henry
Economics; Single tax
The errors which I have been pointing out, and which consist in
confounding with wealth and capital things essentially distinct, or
which have but a relative existence, are now merely vulgar errors.
They are widespread, it is true, and have a deep root, being held,
not merely by the less educated classes, but seemingly by a large
majority of those who in such advanced countries as England and
the United States mold and guide public opinion, make the laws in
Parliaments, Congresses and Legislatures, and administer them in the
courts. They crop out, moreover, in the disquisitions of many of those
flabby writers who have burdened the press and darkened counsel by
numerous volumes which are dubbed political economy, and which pass
as text-books with the ignorant and as authority with those who do
not think for themselves. Nevertheless, they are only vulgar errors,
inasmuch as they receive no countenance from the best writers on
political economy. By one of those lapses which flaw his great work
and strikingly evince the imperfections of the highest talent, Adam
Smith counts as capital certain personal qualities, an inclusion which
is not consistent with his original definition of capital as stock
from which revenue is expected. But this error has been avoided by his
most eminent successors, and in the definitions, previously given, of
Ricardo, McCulloch, and Mill, it is not involved. Neither in their
definitions nor in that of Smith is involved the vulgar error which
confounds as real capital things which are only relatively capital,
such as evidences of debt, land values, etc. But as to things which are
really wealth, their definitions differ from each other, and widely
from that of Smith, as to what is and what is not to be considered
as capital. The stock of a jeweler would, for instance, be included
as capital by the definition of Smith, and the food or clothing in
possession of a laborer would be excluded. But the definitions of
Ricardo and McCulloch would exclude the stock of the jeweler, as would
also that of Mill, if understood as most persons would understand the
words I have quoted. But as explained by him, it is neither the nature
nor the destination of the things themselves which determines whether
they are or are not capital, but the intention of the owner to devote
either the things or the value received from their sale to the supply
of productive labor with tools, materials, and maintenance. All these
definitions, however, agree in including as capital the provisions and
clothing of the laborer, which Smith excludes.
Let us consider these three definitions, which represent the best
teachings of current political economy:
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