If our public conscience is hardly strong enough to exact the faithful
performance of the terms of a treaty in which only commercial interests
are at stake, if we are restrained with some difficulty from aggression
for the sake of economic advantage, it is at least intelligible why
a government that sees the very existence of the nation endangered
should, in a conflict of duties, reluctantly decide to set the safety
of the nation for which it is responsible higher than the performance
of a treaty inherited from a previous generation.
We must acknowledge that in such a case the demands of national and
international duty are hopelessly at variance, and what line of action
is chosen depends upon the conception of responsibility and upon the
value given to the preservation of national existence.
NATIONALISM IN AMERICA
Since our own political interest in the war in Europe is weak, we stand
naturally nearer to the standpoint of international morals and are
inclined to misinterpret the motives that sway the nations at war. We
should not deceive ourselves. It is only lack of immediate interest
that determines our attitude. Owing to our more isolated position on
the Western Hemisphere and to the great size of our country, we are
not so much exposed to the conflicts between our interests, real or
imaginary, and those of other nations.
Still we are no less eager than the nations of Europe to instil the
idea of the preponderance of national interest over human interest into
the minds of the young. We, too, teach rather the lessons of aggressive
nationalism than those of national idealism, expansion rather than
inner development, the admiration of warlike, heroic deeds rather
than of the object for which they were performed. Given a national
conflict, and the same unreasoning passions will sway our people that
are carrying Europe to the brink of ruin.
Those who look forward to the federation of nations must work together
to teach their ideals to the young, to teach that no nation has the
right to impose its individuality upon another one, that no war is
justifiable except for the defence of the threatened integrity of our
ideals.
Transcriber’s Note
Some inconsistencies in spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have
been retained.
This file uses _underscores_ to indicate italic text. Small capitals
changed to all capitals.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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