Afghan Wars; Crimean War, 1853-1856; Egypt -- History -- British occupation, 1882-1936; India -- History -- Sepoy Rebellion, 1857-1858
tended to complicate Lord Raglan's position in council.
There is another point to be noticed--namely, that all the commanders
of the allied armies and fleets, French, Sardinian, and Turkish,
entertained the highest opinion of the ability, high courage, and
character of Lord Raglan. I had good means of knowing, and believe
there was no difference of opinion on the subject. General Canrobert
always expressed these views, and indeed was anxious that Lord Raglan
should be appointed to command all the allied forces. Pélissier, from
the day he assumed command of the French army, was in complete accord
with him, and so stated over and over again. Lord Lyons, I remember
well, after the war told me that it was the proudest boast of his life
that he should have been closely associated with Lord Raglan, during
all the exceptional difficulties and dangers of his position.
I have recapitulated these points because they were by no means known
to the people of England at the time; in fact, it was not until
years afterwards, on the fall of the Empire, and by the publication
of the French despatches, that many of the circumstances were brought
to light. Finally, Lord Raglan, during all these months of incessant
and harassing anxiety, had to bear a trial even greater than those
I have attempted to describe. The English Press at home, and their
correspondents in the Crimea, day after day continued to criticise his
conduct, and to misrepresent his character in violent and unmeasured
terms; describing him as indifferent, incompetent, and unfit for
command; and attributing to his supposed incapacity and want of
foresight the sufferings of the troops and the delays of the campaign,
whilst during the whole time the facts were all the other way. Having
been closely associated with Lord Raglan, and knowing a good deal of
the circumstances, I feel it a matter of common justice to defend the
memory of a great and distinguished man, the close of whose life was
embittered by the feeling that the Government at home would not defend
him, and that the people, grossly misled as they were, had withdrawn
from him their confidence. One day, not long before his death, in
conversation with him I expressed a hope that he would soon return to
England, and have the opportunity of defending himself against the
unjust attacks of which he was the object, when he replied--smiling,
perhaps, rather bitterly--'Return home? I shall never return home. Why,
I should be stoned to death before I could get to Stanhope Street.'
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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