Afghan Wars; Crimean War, 1853-1856; Egypt -- History -- British occupation, 1882-1936; India -- History -- Sepoy Rebellion, 1857-1858
the continuance of our sovereignty depends from one day to another on
anything except the army. Now the army is admitted by all competent
judges to be very far in many respects from what it ought to be.'
The extracts which I have quoted of the opinions of various
authorities all appear to point in the same direction, and to prove
that both in a political and a military sense the various races under
our rule in India were gradually becoming degraded and demoralised,
and that these results were observed years before the crisis came,
and when our power was, for the time, subverted by the general Mutiny
of 1857. Our intentions throughout were doubtless good. We introduced
sound laws for the people, though not perhaps always in accordance
with their customs and prejudices. We also gave them security of life
and property, such as they had not enjoyed for centuries; and to some
extent we promoted education and commerce and more general prosperity.
These benefits are by no means to be ignored. But, on the other hand,
in our advance across the great continent we had dethroned kings, upset
hereditary princes, and had removed from positions of authority not
only men of high rank, great possessions, and ancient lineage, but also
men of vast influence, religious and other, and often of great ability
and courage. These all found themselves pushed aside and superseded;
whilst the various races of people, Hindoo and Mohammedan, not only
perceived that their ancient leaders were gone, but that their new
governors were aliens in race, religion, language, and customs. All
these considerations cannot be carelessly disregarded. The situation
is undoubtedly difficult. There is, indeed, one solution, and one
only, which must ever be kept steadily in view--namely, that men
such as I have indicated must gradually be admitted to positions of
responsibility and power, both civil and military; that the people
of all ranks, classes, and religions may feel that a career is open
to them, and that they are to be allowed to participate in the
government of their own country. I do not urge that the time has by
any means arrived when the natives should be admitted to the public
service by competitive examinations. It is not a system adapted to the
circumstances. That, however, is comparatively a minor detail; but
there are many other and better modes by which they can and ought to be
selected for service under the Government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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