Louisiana -- Politics and government -- 1865-1950; Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877) -- Louisiana; Thesis (Ph. D.)
A lack of discrimination characterized the action of the Assembly
on this subject. To aid all projects just because they savored of
prosperity would seem to express the attitude of some thoughtless
legislators. “I am glad that I have one more chance for internal
improvement,” generously declared one member.[134] Again, a project
for the northern part of the State was advocated that no charge of
partiality to the Southern part should be brought.[135] Nor is it
fair to lay all the burden of debt arising from these grants of aid
at the door of the radicals. It was rather a response to a universal
desire for an extension of railroads and improvement of the waterways
of the State, voiced by the moderate conservative press as well as
the radical. “It is noteworthy as a sign fraught with good promise,”
says the _Commercial Bulletin_, “that the railroad spirit is alive
in the Northern parishes of this State, and that those whom it
inspires are evidently bent on the early accomplishment of substantial
results.”[136] In like strain the _Crescent_ concerning the work of the
Chattanooga Railroad: “It is certainly to be hoped that we shall soon
have direct railroad communications with Mobile, and that all efforts
to prevent the consummation of so desirable an object will fail.”[137]
But the _Picayune_, while on the whole encouraging the measures, was
more conservative and urged that promises of aid be few, “unless they
are of certain and undoubted practicability and profitableness, and
are secure beyond all peril of loss.”[138] Such measures were supported
by members of both parties, often introduced by Democrats, in every
case supported by a large majority of Democrats in both houses.[139]
The leading movers, outside of the legislature, of these bills were men
of both parties; and the lobbyists who advanced the corrupt measures
were of both faiths.[140] This fact was admitted by the Democratic
press.[141]
The legislature of 1869, with which the _Commercial Bulletin_ sourly
assured its readers the people wanted as little as possible to do,
convened January 4 and sat until March 4. The governor’s annual message
to it, a plea for freedom from prejudice, struck a tone of optimism
which subsequent events did not justify: “The issues of the past eight
years have been settled, we hope, forever. Slavery has been swept away,
and along with it all the train of evils growing out of its wickedness,
and has left us--master and slave, white and black--with the same
rights under the law, the same chance to succeed in life, and with
equally unrestricted aspirations and hopes.” He professed faith in a
“wise, economical, moderate, and firm administration of the nation and
the State as curing animosities and bringing prosperity to the people.”
That portion of his message which alluded to the violence of 1868 and
to his measures to allay the excitement was severely challenged by the
Democratic press.[142]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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