But another objection is presented, where the difficulty, intrinsic in the nature of the case, is, of course, more perplexing, and far less easy of solution. The enemies of the American Anti-Slavery Society have changed their ground. “It is not an Infidel Society, but a Society that has a great many Infidels in it.” To look at this matter fairly, requires a wider view than many of our British friends are able to take. Their own agitation for the abolition of West India Slavery offers nothing analogous to the state of things that has obtained for the last twenty years in this country. No institutions, either civil or ecclesiastical, were the least affected in Great Britain by the abolition of West India Slavery. Half a dozen other questions――questions, too, religious rather than political――have involved important modifications of what may be called the institutions of the country. The Tractarian controversy, the Papal aggression, (so called,) the disruption of the National Church of Scotland, afford instances of our meaning. But West India emancipation did not go down to the very marrow of things, as do these questions. It was a noble struggle with a mighty moneyed interest, and too great credit cannot be awarded to British Abolitionists. But, we repeat, their situation differed very widely from ours. The Constitution of our country, as expounded by its authorized interpreters, has provided, by the most careful and astute arrangements, for the continuance and perpetuity of Slavery. All our civil institutions are, therefore, in some sense, based upon it. Having no national ecclesiastical establishment, we cannot affirm the same of the American Church, in the same absolute and positive sense, that we do of the State; and yet it is virtually and actually so. The voters and the church members are the same persons. The men who vote for the Fugitive Slave Bill on a week day, and avow themselves ready to carry out its requirements, are the same men who sit down at the Lord’s table on Sunday.