Freed persons; Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877); Southern States -- Politics and government -- 1865-1950
Wherever I go--the street, the shop, the house, the hotel, or the
steamboat--I hear the people talk in such a way as to indicate that they
are yet unable to conceive of the negro as possessing any rights at all.
Men who are honorable in their dealings with their white neighbors will
cheat a negro without feeling a single twinge of their honor. To kill a
negro they do not deem murder; to debauch a negro woman they do not think
fornication; to take the property away from a negro they do not consider
robbery. The people boast that when they get freedmen affairs in their own
hands, to use their own classic expression, "the niggers will catch hell."
The reason of all this is simple and manifest. The whites esteem the
blacks their property by natural right, and however much they may admit
that the individual relations of masters and slaves have been destroyed by
the war and by the President's emancipation proclamation, they still have
an ingrained feeling that the blacks at large belong to the whites at
large, and whenever opportunity serves they treat the colored people just
as their profit, caprice or passion may dictate.
Justice from tribunals made up among such people is impossible. Here and
there is a fair and just man. One in a hundred, perhaps, sees the good
policy of justice; but these are so few that they will not, at present,
guide public sentiment. Other States may, in this matter, be in advance of
Mississippi; I suspect they are. If justice is possible, I feel sure they
are.
I fear such tribunals would be very expensive for the poor freedmen. Fees
are heavy in this State. Unless they can get justice inexpensively, we
might as well deny them all remedy before courts at once. Indeed, I think
that would be rather more merciful than the arrangement proposed, as they
would then trust nobody, and would be less defrauded. Long delays in the
course of procedure would be ruinous to most of them. How could a freedman
appeal a suit for wages, or respond adequately to an appeal, when he is
starving for want of the very wages which are withheld from him?
It may be claimed that officers of the bureau can watch such cases and see
that justice is done the freedman. I say they cannot do it. Political
power is against him, and will destroy any officer who fearlessly does his
duty in this way. He will be charged with interference with the civil
authority, with violating some constitution or some code; his acts will be
so twisted and contorted before they reach Washington, that he will get
nothing for his pains but censure and dismissal.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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