Freed persons; Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877); Southern States -- Politics and government -- 1865-1950
I can say without fear of contradiction, that there has not occurred one
instance of interference with civil authorities on the part of military
officers in this State, unless they saw first that every law of justice
was violated to such an extent as to arouse the indignation of any man
born in a country where human beings have an equal right to justice before
the tribunals of the land. Yet, if I am not mistaken, there is a growing
impression, supported by this same political power in the south, that the
officers in this State are tyrannical, meddlesome, and disposed to thwart
the faithful efforts of the noble white people to reorganize the State.
Many delegations of the citizens of this State have visited Washington for
the purpose of getting their property returned, or of obtaining some other
favor. They, in order to accomplish their desire, represent the feeling of
their friends at home as very cordially disposed toward the United States
government, and say that they all acquiesce in the freedom of the negroes.
A little examination into the condition of affairs in this State will show
that this is not the case, and that what the people do is only done in
order that they may be restored to power so as to change the direction in
which affairs are tending. I am afraid the profuse loyalty of the
delegations to Washington is being taken as the sentiment of the masses,
and is directing legislation and policy.
It is idle to talk about these people working out this negro problem.
People who will not admit that it is best, or even right, to educate the
freedmen, are not the proper persons to be intrusted with the
administration of justice to them. I have no hesitation in saying, that if
the question of educating the colored people were to-day submitted to the
whites of this State, they would vote against it in a body. Nine-tenths of
the educated and refined class, who are supposed to have higher and nobler
feelings, would vote against it.
I have been called on by persons of this class, and asked to suppress the
religious meetings among the colored people because they made so much
noise! When I remonstrate with them and talk of religious freedom, and of
the right of all to worship God in the manner most suited to their
convictions of right, these gentlemen hold up their hands in horror at the
idea. What would magistrates selected from these people do in reference to
such complaints? Suppress the meeting, of course.
A similar and much stronger prejudice exists against the establishment of
schools for the negro's benefit. If federal bayonets were to-day removed
from our midst, not a colored school would be permitted in the State. The
teachers, perhaps, would not be tarred and feathered and hung, as they
would have been in old times, but ways and means innumerable would present
themselves by which to drive them out.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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