Representative British Orations Volume 1 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 1 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
We are, indeed, in all disputes with the colonies, by the necessity of
things, the judge. It is true sir; but I confess that the character of
judge in my own cause is a thing that frightens me. Instead of filling
me with pride, I am exceedingly humbled by it. I cannot proceed with a
stern, assured, judicial confidence, until I find myself in something
more like a judicial character. I must have these hesitations as long
as I am compelled to recollect that, in my little reading upon such
contests as these, the sense of mankind has at least as often decided
against the superior as the subordinate power. Sir, let me add, too,
that the opinion of my having some abstract right in my favor would
not put me much at my ease in passing sentence, unless I could be
sure that there were no rights which in their exercise under certain
circumstances, were not the most odious of all wrongs, and the most
vexatious of all injustice. Sir, these considerations have great weight
with me, when I find things so circumstanced that I see the same party
at once a civil litigant against me in point of right and a culprit
before me; while I sit as criminal judge on acts of his whose moral
quality is to be decided on upon the merits of that very litigation.
Men are every now and then put, by the complexity of human affairs,
into strange situations; but justice is the same, let the judge be in
what situation he will.
There is, sir, also a circumstance which convinces me that this mode
of criminal proceeding is not, at least in the present stage of our
contest, altogether expedient, which is nothing less than the conduct
of those very persons who have seemed to adopt that mode, by lately
declaring a rebellion in Massachusetts Bay, as they had formerly
addressed to have traitors brought hither, under an act of Henry
the Eighth, for trial. For, though rebellion is declared, it is not
proceeded against as such; nor have any steps been taken toward the
apprehension or conviction of any individual offender, either on our
late or our former address; but modes of _public_ coercion have been
adopted, and such as have much more resemblance to a sort of qualified
hostility toward an independent power than the punishment of rebellious
subjects. All this seems rather inconsistent; but it shows how
difficult it is to apply these juridical ideas to our present case.
In this situation, let us seriously and coolly ponder. What is it we
have got by all our menaces, which have been many and ferocious? What
advantage have we derived from the penal laws we have passed, and
which, for the time, have been severe and numerous? What advances have
we made toward our object by the sending of a force which, by land and
sea, is no contemptible strength? Has the disorder abated? Nothing
less. When I see things in this situation, after such confident hopes,
bold promises, and active exertions, I cannot, for my life, avoid a
suspicion that the plan itself is not correctly right.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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