Representative British Orations Volume 1 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 1 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
I discouraged no trade but what was illicit, what was
prohibited by an act of Parliament. I desire a West India merchant
[Mr. Long], well known in the city, a gentleman of character, may be
examined. He will tell you that I offered to do every thing in my
power to advance the trade of America. I was above giving an answer to
anonymous calumnies; but in this place it becomes one to wipe off the
aspersion.”
[Here Mr. Grenville ceased. Several members got up to speak, but Mr.
Pitt seeming to rise, the House was so clamorous for Mr. _Pitt!_ Mr.
_Pitt!_ that the speaker was obliged to call to order.]
Mr. Pitt said, I do not apprehend I am speaking twice. I did expressly
reserve a part of my subject, in order to save the time of this House;
but I am compelled to proceed in it. I do not speak twice; I only
finish what I designedly left imperfect. But if the House is of a
different opinion, far be it from me to indulge a wish of transgression
against order. I am content, if it be your pleasure, to be silent.
[Here he paused. The House resounding with _Go on! go on!_ he
proceeded:]
Gentlemen, sir, have been charged with giving birth to _sedition_
in America. They have spoken their sentiments with freedom against
this unhappy act, and that freedom has become their crime. Sorry I
am to hear the liberty of speech in this House imputed as a crime.
But the imputation shall not discourage me. It is a liberty I mean
to exercise. No gentleman ought to be afraid to exercise it. It is a
liberty by which the gentleman who calumniates it might have profited.
He ought to have desisted from his project. The gentleman tells us,
America is obstinate; America is almost in open rebellion. I rejoice
that America has resisted. Three millions of people, so dead to all
the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would
have been fit instruments to make slaves of the rest. I come not here
armed at all points, with law cases and acts of Parliament, with
the statute book doubled down in dog’s ears, to defend the cause of
liberty. If I had, I myself would have cited the two cases of Chester
and Durham. I would have cited them to show that, even under former
arbitrary reigns, Parliaments were ashamed of taxing a people without
their consent, and allowed them representatives. Why did the gentleman
confine himself to Chester and Durham?[30] He might have taken a higher
example in Wales—Wales, that never was taxed by Parliament till it was
incorporated. I would not debate a particular point of law with the
gentleman. I know his abilities. I have been obliged to his diligent
researches. But, for the defence of liberty, upon a general principle,
upon a constitutional principle, it is a ground on which I stand
firm—on which I dare meet any man. The gentleman tells us of many
who are taxed, and are not represented—the India company, merchants,
stockholders, manufacturers. Surely many of these are represented in
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