Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
Our ancestors never thought it their policy to avert the resentment of
foreign tyrants by enjoining English writers to contain and repress
their just abhorrence of the criminal enterprises of ambition. This
great and gallant nation, which has fought in the front of every battle
against the oppressors of Europe, has sometimes inspired fear, but,
thank God, she has never felt it. We know that they are our real, and
must soon become our declared foes.[31] We know that there can be no
cordial amity between the natural enemies and the independence of
nations. We have never adopted the cowardly and short-sighted policy
of silencing our press, of breaking the spirit and palsying the hearts
of our people for the sake of a hollow and precarious truce. We have
never been base enough to purchase a short respite from hostilities by
sacrificing the first means of defence; the means of rousing the public
spirit of the people, and directing it against the enemies of their
country and of Europe.
Gentlemen, the public spirit of a people, by which I mean the whole
body of those affections which unites men’s hearts to the commonwealth,
is in various countries composed of various elements, and depends on
a great variety of causes. In this country, I may venture to say that
it mainly depends on the vigor of the popular parts and principles of
our government, and that the spirit of liberty is one of its most
important elements. Perhaps it may depend less on those advantages
of a free government which are most highly estimated by calm reason,
than upon those parts of it which delight the imagination and flatter
the just and natural pride of mankind. Among these we are certainly
not to forget the political rights which are not uniformly withheld
from the lowest classes, and the continual appeal made to them in
public discussion, upon the greatest interests of the state. These are
undoubtedly among the circumstances which endear to Englishmen their
government and their country, and animate their zeal for that glorious
institution which confers on the meanest of them a sort of distinction
and nobility unknown to the most illustrious slaves who tremble at
the frown of a tyrant. Whoever were unwarily and rashly to abolish or
narrow these privileges, which it must be owned are liable to great
abuse, and to very specious objections, might perhaps discover too
late that he had been dismantling his country. Of whatever elements
public spirit is composed, it is always and everywhere the chief
defensive principle of a state. It is perfectly distinct from courage.
Perhaps no nation, certainly no European nation, ever perished from an
inferiority of courage. And undoubtedly no considerable nation was ever
subdued in which the public affections were sound and vigorous. It is
public spirit which binds together the dispersed courage of individuals
and fastens it to the commonwealth. It is, therefore, as I have said,
the chief defensive principle of every country.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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