Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
For the same reason, I must lament that the right honorable gentleman
[Mr. Pitt] has thought proper to go at such length, and with such
severity of minute investigation, into all the early circumstances
of the war, which (whatever they were) are nothing to the present
purpose, and ought not to influence the present feelings of the
House. I certainly shall not follow him through the whole of this
tedious detail, though I do not agree with him in many of his
assertions. I do not know what impression his narrative may make on
other gentlemen; but I will tell him fairly and candidly, he has not
convinced me. I continue to think, and until I see better grounds for
changing my opinion than any that the right honorable gentleman has
this night produced, I shall continue to think, and to say, plainly
and explicitly, “that this country was the aggressor in the war.”
But with regard to Austria and Prussia—is there a man who, for one
moment, can dispute that they were the aggressors? It will be vain
for the right honorable gentleman to enter into long and plausible
reasoning against the evidence of documents so clear, so decisive—so
frequently, so thoroughly investigated. The unfortunate monarch,
Louis XVI., himself, as well as those who were in his confidence,
has borne decisive testimony to the fact, that between him and the
Emperor [Leopold of Austria] there was an intimate correspondence and
a perfect understanding. Do I mean by this that a positive treaty
was entered into for the dismemberment of France? Certainly not. But
no man can read the declarations which were made at Mantua[16] as
well as at Pilnitz, as they are given by M. Bertrand de Molville,
without acknowledging that this was not merely an intention, but a
_declaration_ of an intention, on the part of the great powers of
Germany, to interfere in the internal affairs of France, for the
purpose of regulating the government against the opinion of the people.
This, though not a plan for the partition of France, was, in the eye
of reason and common-sense, an aggression against France. The right
honorable gentleman denies that there was such a thing as a treaty of
Pilnitz. Granted. But was there not a declaration which amounted to
an act of hostile aggression? The two powers, the Emperor of Germany
and the King of Prussia, made a public declaration that they were
determined to employ their forces, in conjunction with those of the
other sovereigns of Europe, “to put the King of France in a situation
to establish, in perfect liberty, the foundations of a monarchical
government equally agreeable to the rights of sovereigns and the
welfare of the French.” Whenever the other princes should agree to
co-operate with them, “_then, and in that case_, their majesties were
determined to act promptly and by mutual consent, with the forces
necessary to obtain the end proposed by all of them. In the meantime,
they declared, that they would give orders for their troops to be
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