Representative British Orations Volume 3 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes — John Shaqi
Representative British Orations Volume 3 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 3 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
Sir, I set out with saying that there were reasons which entirely
satisfied my judgment that nothing short of a point of national faith
or national honor would justify, at the present moment, any voluntary
approximation to the possibility of war. Let me be understood,
however, distinctly as not meaning to say that I dread war in a good
cause (and in no other way may it be the lot of this country ever to
engage!) from a distrust of the strength of the country to commence
it, or of her resources to maintain it. I dread it, indeed—but upon
far other grounds: I dread it from an apprehension of the tremendous
consequences which might arise from any hostilities in which we might
now be engaged. Some years ago, in the discussion of the negotiations
respecting the French war against Spain, I took the liberty of
adverting to this topic. I then stated that the position of this
country in the present state of the world was one of neutrality, not
only between contending nations, but between conflicting principles;
and that it was by neutrality alone that we could maintain that
balance, the preservation of which I believed to be essential to the
welfare of mankind. I then said, that I feared that the next war which
should be kindled in Europe would be a war not so much of armies as
of opinions. Not four years have elapsed, and behold my apprehension
realized! It is, to be sure, within narrow limits that this war of
opinion is at present confined; but it _is_ a war of opinion that Spain
(whether as government or as nation) is now waging against Portugal;
it is a war which has commenced in hatred of the new institutions
of Portugal. How long is it reasonable to expect that Portugal will
abstain from retaliation? If into that war this country shall be
compelled to enter, we shall enter into it with a sincere and anxious
desire to mitigate rather than exasperate—and to mingle only in the
conflict of arms, not in the more fatal conflict of opinions. But
I much fear that this country (however earnestly she may endeavor
to avoid it) could not, in such case, avoid seeing ranked under her
banners all the restless and dissatisfied of any nation with which she
might come in conflict. It is the contemplation of this new _power_ in
any future war which excites my most anxious apprehension. It is one
thing to have a giant’s strength, but it would be another to use it
like a giant. The consciousness of such strength is, undoubtedly, a
source of confidence and security; but in the situation in which this
country stands, our business is not to seek opportunities of displaying
it, but to content ourselves with letting the professors of violent and
exaggerated doctrines on both sides feel, that it is not their interest
to convert an umpire into an adversary. The situation of England, amid
the struggle of political opinions which agitates more or less sensibly
different countries of the world, may be compared to that of the Ruler
of the Winds, as described by the poet:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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