Representative British Orations Volume 3 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 3 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
tells us that it has been produced by the late events in France and
Belgium;[4] another, that it is the effect of seditious works which
have lately been published. If this feeling be of origin so recent,
I have read history to little purpose. Sir, this alarming discontent
is not the growth of a day, or of a year. If there be any symptoms by
which it is possible to distinguish the chronic diseases of the body
politic from its passing inflammations, all those symptoms exist in
the present case. The taint has been gradually becoming more extensive
and more malignant, through the whole lifetime of two generations. We
have tried anodynes. We have tried cruel operations. What are we to
try now? Who flatters himself that he can turn this feeling back? Does
there remain any argument which escaped the comprehensive intellect
of Mr. Burke, or the subtlety of Mr. Windham? Does there remain any
species of coercion which was not tried by Mr. Pitt and by Lord
Londonderry? We have had laws. We have had blood. New treasons have
been created. The press has been shackled. The habeas-corpus act has
been suspended. Public meetings have been prohibited. The event has
proved that these expedients were mere palliatives. You are at the end
of your palliatives. The evil remains. It is more formidable than ever.
What is to be done?
Under such circumstances, a great plan of reconciliation, prepared by
the ministers of the crown, has been brought before us in a manner
which gives additional lustre to a noble name, inseparably associated
during two centuries with the dearest liberties of the English people.
I will not say that this plan is in all its details precisely such
as I might wish it to be; but it is founded on a great and a sound
principle. It takes away a vast power from a few. It distributes that
power through the great mass of the middle order. Every man, therefore,
who thinks as I think, is bound to stand firmly by ministers who are
resolved to stand or fall with this measure. Were I one of them, I
would sooner, infinitely sooner, fall with such a measure than stand by
any other means that ever supported a cabinet.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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