Revolutionist's Handbook and Pocket CompanionShaw, Bernard
Philosophy
Revolutionist's Handbook and Pocket Companion
Shaw, Bernard
English essays
Now we have yet to see the man who, having any practical experience of
Proletarian Democracy, has any belief in its capacity for solving great
political problems, or even for doing ordinary parochial work
intelligently and economically. Only under despotisms and oligarchies
has the Radical faith in "universal suffrage" as a political panacea
arisen. It withers the moment it is exposed to practical trial, because
Democracy cannot rise above the level of the human material of which its
voters are made. Switzerland seems happy in comparison with Russia; but
if Russia were as small as Switzerland, and had her social problems
simplified in the same way by impregnable natural fortifications and a
population educated by the same variety and intimacy of international
intercourse, there might be little to choose between them. At all
events Australia and Canada, which are virtually protected democratic
republics, and France and the United States, which are avowedly
independent democratic republics, are neither healthy, wealthy, nor
wise; and they would be worse instead of better if their popular
ministers were not experts in the art of dodging popular enthusiasms and
duping popular ignorance. The politician who once had to learn how to
flatter Kings has now to learn how to fascinate, amuse, coax, humbug,
frighten, or otherwise strike the fancy of the electorate; and though in
advanced modern States, where the artizan is better educated than the
King, it takes a much bigger man to be a successful demagogue than to be
a successful courtier, yet he who holds popular convictions with
prodigious energy is the man for the mob, whilst the frailer sceptic who
is cautiously feeling his way towards the next century has no chance
unless he happens by accident to have the specific artistic talent of
the mountebank as well, in which case it is as a mountebank that he
catches votes, and not as a meliorist. Consequently the demagogue,
though he professes (and fails) to readjust matters in the interests of
the majority of the electors, yet stereotypes mediocrity, organizes
intolerance, disparages exhibitions of uncommon qualities, and glorifies
conspicuous exhibitions of common ones. He manages a small job well: he
muddles rhetorically through a large one. When a great political
movement takes place, it is not consciously led nor organized: the
unconscious self in mankind breaks its way through the problem as an
elephant breaks through a jungle; and the politicians make speeches
about whatever happens in the process, which, with the best intentions,
they do all in their power to prevent. Finally, when social aggregation
arrives at a point demanding international organization before the
demagogues and electorates have learnt how to manage even a country
parish properly much less internationalize Constantinople, the whole
political business goes to smash; and presently we have Ruins of
Empires, New Zealanders sitting on a broken arch of London Bridge, and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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