Revolutionist's Handbook and Pocket CompanionShaw, Bernard
Philosophy
Revolutionist's Handbook and Pocket Companion
Shaw, Bernard
English essays
does not matter provided the result be satisfactory.
It is a melancholy fact that as the vast majority of women and their
husbands have, under existing circumstances, not enough nourishment, no
capital, no credit, and no knowledge of science or business, they would,
if the State would pay for birth as it now pays for death, be exploited
by joint stock companies for dividends, just as they are in ordinary
industries. Even a joint stock human stud farm (piously disguised as a
reformed Foundling Hospital or something of that sort) might well, under
proper inspection and regulation, produce better results than our
present reliance on promiscuous marriage. It may be objected that when
an ordinary contractor produces stores for sale to the Government, and
the Government rejects them as not up to the required standard, the
condemned goods are either sold for what they will fetch or else
scrapped: that is, treated as waste material; whereas if the goods
consisted of human beings, all that could be done would be to let them
loose or send them to the nearest workhouse. But there is nothing new
in private enterprise throwing its human refuse on the cheap labor
market and the workhouse; and the refuse of the new industry would
presumably be better bred than the staple product of ordinary poverty.
In our present happy-go-lucky industrial disorder, all the human
products, successful or not, would have to be thrown on the labor
market; but the unsuccessful ones would not entitle the company to a
bounty and so would be a dead loss to it. The practical commercial
difficulty would be the uncertainty and the cost in time and money of
the first experiments. Purely commercial capital would not touch such
heroic operations during the experimental stage; and in any case the
strength of mind needed for so momentous a new departure could not be
fairly expected from the Stock Exchange. It will have to be handled by
statesmen with character enough to tell our democracy and plutocracy
that statecraft does not consist in flattering their follies or applying
their suburban standards of propriety to the affairs of four continents.
The matter must be taken up either by the State or by some organization
strong enough to impose respect upon the State.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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