Moreover, to an overwhelming degree the sons of the well-to-do have
not waited to be conscripted. They have volunteered in masses--a far
greater percentage of them than those in less advantageous
circumstances. That is merely as it should be. Having greater
advantages, they have corresponding duties. Not having dependents to
take care of, they can better afford to volunteer than those less
fortunately situated.
But the patriotic zeal of the sons of the well-to-do in coming
forward to offer their lives to the country does give a doubly false
and sickening sound to the ranting of the agitator who would arouse
class hatred--who calls this "a rich man's war and a poor man's fight"
when an overwhelming percentage of the sons of the men of means have
eagerly and freely offered themselves for military service, when _the
draft exemption regulations, discriminate not, as in former wars, in
favour of the rich man's son but in favour of the poor woman's son_,
and when capital and business pay more than four-fifths of our war
taxation directly and a large share of the remaining one-fifth
indirectly.
I do not say all this to plead for a reduction of the taxation on
wealth, or in order to urge that no additional taxes be imposed on
wealth if need be. There is no limit to the burden which, in time of
stress and strain, those must be willing to bear who can afford it,
except only that limit which is imposed by the consideration that
taxation must not reach a point where the business activity of the
country becomes crippled, and its economic equilibrium is thrown out
of gear, because that would harm every element of the commonwealth and
diminish the war-making capacity of the Nation.
V
The question of the individual is not the one that counts. The
question is not what sacrifices capital should and would be willing to
bear if called upon, but what taxes it is _to the public advantage_ to
impose.
Taxation must be sound and wise and scientific, and cannot be laid in
a haphazard way or on impulse or according to considerations of
politics. Otherwise, the whole country will suffer. History has shown
over and over again that the laws of economics cannot be defied with
impunity and that the resulting penalty falls upon all sections and
classes.
I realize but too well that the burden of the abnormally high cost of
living, caused largely by the war, weighs heavily indeed upon wage
earners and still more upon men and women with moderate salaries. I
yield to no one in my desire to see everything done that is
practicable to have that burden lightened. But excessive taxation on
capital will not accomplish that; on the contrary, it will rather tend
to intensify the trouble.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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