Right and wrong in MassachusettsChapman, Maria Weston
History
Right and wrong in Massachusetts
Chapman, Maria Weston
Antislavery movements -- Massachusetts -- Boston; Massachusetts Anti-slavery Society
The annual meeting of the Massachusetts Society was the time proposed
by the confederated agents and secretaries of the National and
Massachusetts Societies, for the full development of their plans. Like
children playing at draughts, they had calculated their own game,
but not the counteracting moves of their antagonists. Mr. Garrison’s
unexpected trumpet-blast, threw them into confusion. They were ignorant
of the extent of his knowledge, and, in their consternation, did the
exact thing, that innocence would by its nature have necessarily
avoided--denied the existence of any plot.
Mr. Garrison had spoken of two clergymen in Essex County. Mr. Torrey
and Mr. St. Clair, like Scrub in the comedy, were “sure he was talking
of them,” and went into a labored denial and explanation; all of
which, when examined and condensed, demonstrated that a great amount
of time and labor, and by means of the agents and the funds of the
Massachusetts and National Societies, had been privately expended in
sowing the seed of the new paper.
Mr. Phelps, to whom Mr. Garrison had not alluded, identified himself
with the plot, in a series of letters, whose remarkable bitterness
was charitably imputed by some to the peevishness of recent illness.
Others there were, who received these letters as a proclamation to
all concerned, that the writer was no longer “Mr. Garrison’s Brother
Phelps;” and as an evidence that the threat of the Recorder had
effected its purpose.
The Anti-Slavery Office became a scene of deep interest, both to the
devoted friend of the cause, and to the close observer of human nature,
while the tide of inquiring comers was on the flood. The innocent
regularly brought confirmation that the alarm-note of Mr. Garrison was
most fortunately timed. They all recollected some incomprehensible
circumstance on which the recent developments had shed a flood of
light. Some recalled a conversation with “your agent,” some, a remark
of “our secretary,” hinting at a change in the Board, or a way by which
clerical opponents might be gained over to the cause; “for we must have
all these men.” Abundance of sayings came to mind, by which, when first
uttered, they had been exceedingly puzzled, and had finally laid aside
as jests or incomprehensible:--having the master-key, they could now
unlock them all. Notes and letters by the dozen were forth-coming, from
Mr. Torrey and others, marked “confidential.” His correspondents now
began to feel that silence was crime. An eagerness to give and receive
information, marked the innocent. Not so the guilty. They vehemently
denied the existence of any plot,--said that Mr. Garrison was unfit to
be entrusted with any important post in the cause, that Non-Resistants
were not properly abolitionists,--that slavery was the creature of
law--that votes made it, and votes only could unmake it--that though
the Liberator did in its columns advocate political action, it was
inconsistent in so doing, and that they thought a new paper absolutely
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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