Right and wrong in MassachusettsChapman, Maria Weston
History
Right and wrong in Massachusetts
Chapman, Maria Weston
Antislavery movements -- Massachusetts -- Boston; Massachusetts Anti-slavery Society
A scene of tempestuous conflict followed, as the whole scope and
bearing of the work that had been going on in the Commonwealth under
the auspices of the “four,” became apparent. They stood like him who
has tampered with the embankments that toil and sacrifice have built
between the devouring ocean and a level and fertile land. The indignant
feeling of the audience rose to an almost uncontrollable pitch; yet
they _did_ restrain it; for the winnowing-time had come, and they must
take careful note of men’s conduct _now_, that they might know who to
trust hereafter. Painful and unexpected it was to see Scott, Codding
and Geo. Allen swept away, as the whirlwind of debate went on. The
resolutions before the meeting were respecting a new paper. But the
arguments by which they were sustained, demanded not only a new paper,
but new principles--a new constitution--a new society--new officers.
Was the true and original test of membership--not an acknowledgment of
the justice and necessity of immediate emancipation, but a belief in
the religious duty of voting at the polls? Then would those arguments
require the dissolution of the Massachusetts Society, another set
of men as managers of a new one, and the utter destruction of the
Liberator. Yet those who brought forward those arguments, and who, if
sincere, were bound by them to destroy the worthless instrumentalities
of which they complained, uniformly declared, with the same breath,
that nothing was further from their intention than to injure the
Liberator, or to cast any imputations against the Board of Managers.
Ellis Gray Loring rose in reply. “On the question of the _need_ of a
new paper, I do not wish to speak. A need may exist which I do not
perceive. Brethren tell me that there is such a need. I only say that
to make such a paper the organ of the Society, and to sustain it at
the expense of the Society, over the head of the Liberator would have
a tendency to injure the latter. I do not say that gentlemen mean it.
They tell us they abjure such a thought. But it is a maxim in law, that
the purpose of a man’s acts must be presumed to correspond with their
manifest tendency.”
Wendell Phillips argued earnestly against the first resolution. The
second was so manifestly a mockery that it was scarcely noticed. The
spirit of the meeting rose against the whole intolerant contrivance
submitted to its decision. The “four,” when they perceived it, strove,
by every parliamentary device, to delay judgment. They strove to divide
the resolutions--to refer the matter to a committee--to adjourn the
meeting. In vain. The spirit that filled the Marlboro’ Chapel that
night, refused to be conjured into a committee-room, or to leave its
work unfinished. “Vote it down,” “vote it down,” was the reply to every
proposition; till Mr. Loring moved an indefinite postponement, which
was almost unanimously carried.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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