the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus.” We need not stop
to consider in this connection whether the decline of this prosperity
caused the decay of self-government or was due to it. At all events the
two processes were contemporaneous.
To return from this brief account of city-life to the story of imperial
politics,--as we have noticed, under the system which Augustus set up,
there were two recognized sources of authority in the state, the prince
and the senate. We say “recognized sources of power,” because in the
background loomed up the sinister figure of the army, which was still
capable of determining the fortunes of the state, as it had done in the
times of Sulla and Marius, of Pompey and Caesar. Perhaps we may see
the first step toward the intrusion of the army into politics again
when Sejanus, the unscrupulous praetorian prefect of Tiberius, brought
all the cohorts of the praetorian guard together in Rome. The control
of these soldiers stationed in the capital put a powerful weapon in
the hands of Sejanus, but, before he could strike, his designs were
laid bare. The hereditary principle which Augustus had introduced,
by adopting Tiberius and by conferring imperial honors upon him, a
principle which was followed by his immediate successors, was for a
time a safeguard for the succession. But when the Julian line became
extinct on the murder of Nero, the field lay open to the imperial
aspirant who was backed by the strongest army. After a year of struggle
between four military leaders, Vespasian made good his claim to the
prize, and in the year 69 founded a new dynasty, the Flavian. The
precedent which Vespasian had set was not followed for a century, but
from the close of the second century to the accession of Diocletian in
284 the praetorian guard and the army constituted the power which made
and unmade the rulers of Rome. Within the period of seventy-three years
which preceded the reign of Diocletian there were in fact twenty-three
different emperors, almost all of whom owed their elevation to the
throne to the force of arms, and kept their places on the throne so
long as they could keep the favor of their armed supporters.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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