To appreciate the issue of this struggle in which all parties were engaged, we must recognise its twofold aspect as a struggle for social and political renewal, and consider separately the fate of the detailed programme of reform and the change in the constitution to which the attacks on the Senate led. From the first point of view the efforts of the democratic party ended in an unqualified success; for every item of its programme was carried out, with the requisite modifications, by Caesar and the Principate. The agrarian question reached as near an approach to settlement as such eternal questions can attain, especially when it became absorbed into the movement of transmarine colonisation which was employed in the Principate for poorer citizens and for veterans. The extension of the franchise was completed, so far as the territory south of the Alps was concerned, by Caesar’s renewal of the gift of citizenship to the Transpadanes and Augustus’ incorporation of their territory as a part of Italy,[1559] while the Principate was liberal with the conferment of Latin rights on provinces, such as Sicily, the Maritime Alps, and Spain, and the full citizenship gradually won its way in the provincial world by individual grants and recruiting for the legions. The laws of debt were emended by the just bankruptcy laws of Caesar and Augustus, and even the _leges frumentariae_ required but a slight modification to make them a genuine scheme of poor-relief.[1560] The _equites_, too, the class to whom C. Gracchus had given an official recognition, became a still more recognised order under the Principate and a most useful wheel in the administrative machinery. It is more difficult to decide whether the radical change of government to which the agitation led can be considered a genuine triumph for the reformers. Military monarchy may be regretted by those who see in it a confession of incapacity to combine imperial government with Republican institutions; but, from the point of view of the reforming party, it was only a disappointment if we conceive that their leaders thought that government by _comitia_ might replace the rule of the Senate. But there is hardly a trace of this idea. No effort was made throughout the whole of this period to make the _comitia_ a workable or really democratic institution; and personal rule, as the only expression of democracy, had asserted itself at the beginning of the movement. The only open question was whether it should be a Periclean _tyrannis_ of the type enjoyed by C. Gracchus or a Napoleonic rule such as that of Caesar. As a matter of fact the Principate learnt a lesson from both solutions—that of the Gracchan and that of the Marian epoch—and established itself on a joint basis of the _tribunicia potestas_ and the _proconsulare imperium_.