This mischief and its results must be the subject of this chapter, for
without getting some idea of it we cannot understand the perils to which
civilisation was exposed in the next two hundred years by Roman
degeneracy, or the way in which they were eventually overcome. But I
must just glance, to start with, at the policy actually pursued by the
Senate in the period following the war, which placed Rome in the
position of arbiter of the whole Mediterranean world, and mistress of a
territory many times as large as Italy.
The two recent invasions of Italy by formidable enemies must have taught
the Senate the necessity of making it impossible that there should be
another. But another might yet be looked for—so at least they
believed—not from Spain or Africa, but from the great military power of
Macedon. Philip of Macedon had been among Rome’s enemies since Cannæ;
but not even Hannibal could persuade him to attack her with vigour, and
he missed his chance. Roman diplomacy had stirred up the Greeks against
him, and he had plenty to do at home. But no sooner was Carthage crushed
than the Senate coaxed the tired and unwilling people into declaring war
against him, and this led in the course of the next half-century to the
overthrow of the Macedonian kingdom, and finally to its absorption into
what we must now begin to call the Roman Empire. At the same time, Rome
acquired a protectorate over the whole of Greece, at first honestly
meant to defend her against Macedon, but destined to pass rapidly into
dominion. The Greeks in their leagues and cities were never again really
free. If they could have kept from quarrelling among themselves, they
might have endured this protectorate with profit; but ere Rome had done
with them they were to feel her heavy hand.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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