Scotland under her early kings, Volume 1 (of 2) : $b a history of the kingdom to the close of the thirteenth centuryRobertson, Eben William
History
Scotland under her early kings, Volume 1 (of 2) : $b a history of the kingdom to the close of the thirteenth century
Robertson, Eben William
Scotland -- History -- To 1603
[69] _An. Ult._ 926. _Chron. Sax._ 926, 927. _Malm. Gesta Regum_, l.
2, s. 133. The Saxon Chronicle (MS. _C. T._, B. iv., of the eleventh
century) states that the kings met at Emmet, in Yorkshire, and
renounced idolatry, a singular compact for a prince who, twenty years
before, had presided at an ecclesiastical council at Scone! Malmesbury,
who takes his account from an old volume containing a metrical history
of Athelstan, “in quo scriptor cum difficultate materiæ luctabatur (et)
ultra opinionem in laudibus principis vagatur,” places the meeting
at Dacor in Cumberland, adding that Athelstan commanded the son of
Constantine to be baptised! Here again the Scottish King figures as a
pagan, as he also does in the same writer’s description of the battle
of Brunanburgh, where he says that the survivors of the vanquished host
were spared to embrace Christianity. There is an evident confusion here
between the pagan Northmen, to whom all this is very applicable, and
the Christian Scots. It is highly probable both that Sitric “renounced
idolatry” on the occasion of his marriage with Athelstan’s sister, and
that his son Olave, who ended his life in the monastery of Iona, was
baptised through the intervention of the English king, but the same
cannot be said of the Christian King of Scotland. From time immemorial,
as we learn from Malcolm Ceanmor (_Sim. Dun._ 1093), it was the custom
of the English and Scottish kings to meet upon their respective
frontiers; but though the borders of Yorkshire and Cumberland were
the most appropriate places of meeting for Sitric and his English
brother-in-law, they were on the Danish, not the Scottish frontier;
and what should bring Constantine thither to renounce idolatry in his
declining years, and baptise his son at the bidding of the English
king? Much of the history of this period appears to have been derived
from old songs and lays, in which due allowance must be made for the
confusion and mistakes incidental to such legendary compositions,
as well as for the “genus dicendi quod suffultum Tullius appellat,”
especially in the struggles of the transcriber to Latinise the
barbarous idioms of the vernacular, alluded to with such contemptuous
pity by Malmesbury. The vague and exaggerated expressions of these
old ballads were frequently copied literally, and latterly in the
feudal idiom, into the dry chronicle of a subsequent era, a fate which
has frequently befallen the sole Saxon record of the famous battle
of Brunanburgh. In the scanty records of this, the most glorious and
least known period of Anglo-Saxon history, it is very evident that
Constantine has frequently usurped the place of Sitric,--just as in
the Egill’s Saga Olave Sitricson figures as King of Scotland, to the
total exclusion of his own father-in-law,--but it would be difficult
to do more than point out the confusion. The Anglo-Norman writers, of
course, take advantage of the confused and indistinct idea of a treaty
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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