Secret History of the Court of England, from the Accession of George the Third to the Death of George the Fourth, Volume 1 (of 2): Including, Among Other Important Matters, Full Particulars of the Mysterious Death of the Princess CharlotteHamilton, Anne, Lady
History
Secret History of the Court of England, from the Accession of George the Third to the Death of George the Fourth, Volume 1 (of 2): Including, Among Other Important Matters, Full Particulars of the Mysterious Death of the Princess Charlotte
Hamilton, Anne, Lady
Caroline, Queen, consort of George IV, King of Great Britain, 1768-1821; George III, King of Great Britain, 1738-1820 -- Relations with courts and courtiers; George IV, King of Great Britain, 1762-1830 -- Relations with courts and courtiers; Great Britain -- Court and courtiers -- History -- 18th ce
We must here do justice to the character of George the Third from all
intentional tyranny. Many a time has this monarch advocated the cause of
the productive classes, and as frequently have his ministers, urged on
by the _queen_, defeated his most sanguine wishes, until he found
himself a mere cipher in the affairs of state. The king's simplicity of
style and unaffected respect for the people would have induced him to
despise the gorgeous pageantry of state; he had been happy, indeed, to
have been "the real father of his subjects." His majesty well knew that
the public good ought to be the sole aim of all governments, and that
for this purpose a prince is invested with the regal crown. A king is
not to employ his authority, patronage, and riches, merely to gratify
his own lusts and ambition; but, if need require it, he ought even to
sacrifice his own ease and pleasure for the benefit of his country. We
give George the Third credit for holding these sentiments, which,
however, only increased his regrets, as he really had _no power to
act_,--that power being in the possession of his queen, and other crafty
and designing persons, to whose opinions and determinations he had
become a perfect slave! It is to be regretted that he had not sufficient
nerve to eject such characters from his councils; for assuredly the
nation would have been, to a man, willing to protect him from their
vile machinations; but once subdued, he was subdued for ever.
From the birth, a prince is the subject of flattery, and is even
caressed for his vicious propensities; nay, his minions never appear
before him without a mask, while every artifice that cunning can suggest
is practised to deceive him. He is not allowed to mix in general
society, and therefore is ignorant of the wants and wishes of the people
over whom he is destined to reign. When he becomes a king, his
counsellors obtain his signature whenever they desire it; and, as his
extravagance increases, so must sums of money, in some way or other, be
extorted from his suffering and oppressed subjects. Should his ministers
prove ambitious, war is the natural result, and the money of the poor is
again in request to furnish means for their own destruction! Whereas,
had the prince been associated with the intelligent and respectable
classes of society, he might have warded off the evil, and, instead of
desolating war, peace might have shed her gentle influence over the
land. Another barbarous custom is, the injunction imposed upon royal
succession, that they shall not marry only with their equals in birth.
But is not this a violation of the most vital interests and solemn
engagements to which humanity have subscribed? What unhappiness has not
such an unnatural doctrine produced? Quality of blood ought only to be
recognized by corresponding nobility of sentiments, principles, and
actions. He that is debarred from possessing the object of his virtuous
regard is to be pitied, whether he be a king or a peasant; and we can
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