When Cardinal Manning wrote: "Necessity knows no law, and a starving
man has a natural right to a share of his neighbor's bread," who
thought of arresting Cardinal Manning? His was a carefully written
article in the _Fortnightly Review_. Who read it? Not the people who
needed bread. Without food in their stomachs, they had not fifty cents
to spend for a magazine. It was not the voice of the people themselves
asserting their rights. No one for one instant imagined that Cardinal
Manning would put himself at the head of ten thousand hungry men to
loot the bakeries of London. It was a piece of ethical hair-splitting
to be discussed in after-dinner speeches by the wine-muddled gentlemen
who think themselves most competent to consider such subjects when
their dress-coats are spoiled by the vomit of gluttony and drunkenness.
But when =Emma Goldman= stood in Union Square and said, "If they do
not give you work or bread, take bread," the common people heard her
gladly; and as of old the wandering carpenter of Nazareth addressed
his own class, teaching throughout all Jewry, stirring up the people
against the authorities, so the dressmaker of New York addressing the
unemployed working-people of New York was the menace of the depths
of society, crying in its own tongue. The authorities heard and were
afraid: therefore the triple wall.
It is the old, old story. When Thomas Paine, one hundred years ago,
published the first part of "The Rights of Man," the part in which he
discusses principles only, the edition was a high-priced one, reaching
comparatively few readers. It created only a literary furore. When the
second part appeared, the part in which he treats of the application of
principles, in which he declares that "men should not petition for
rights but take them," it came out in a cheap form, so that one hundred
thousand copies were sold in a few weeks. That brought down the
prosecution of the government. It had reached the people that might act,
and prosecution followed prosecution till Botany Bay was full of the
best men of England. Thus were the limitations of speech and press
declared, and thus will they ever be declared so long as there are
antagonistic interests in human society.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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