Serpent-Worship, and Other Essays, with a Chapter on TotemismWake, C. Staniland (Charles Staniland)
Religion
Serpent-Worship, and Other Essays, with a Chapter on Totemism
Wake, C. Staniland (Charles Staniland)
Phallicism; Serpent worship; Totemism
Dr. Brinton[363] answers those who object that the cosmogonical
myth of the Algonkins is “too refined for those rude savages, or
that it smacks too much of reminiscences of old-world teachings,”
that “it is impossible to assign to it other than an indigenous and
spontaneous origin in some remote period of Algonkin tribal history.”
The same reply may be given in relation to the universal totemism of
the Australians, with the qualification that the tribal history of
this race would have to be carried back to a period when it was in
contact, on the Asiatic Continent, with peoples among whom originated
or developed the ideas on which totemism is based, if, indeed, they
did not belong with them to a common stock. The existence among the
natives of Australia and America of that system may have been due
to the establishment of the gentile institution on the basis of
female kinship, and the intermingling of the gentes or family groups,
owing to wives leaving their own kin on marriage to live among their
husband’s kin, as the result of the practice of exogamy. Some of the
Australian tribes have a legend according to which the use of totems
was introduced, by command of the Supreme Being, to put a stop to
consanguineous marriages. This shows that the totem was connected with
marriage and kinship, but, considering how universal is the objection
among savages to marriage between near relations, it is more than
probable that the legend was formed to explain an already existing
phenomenon, that of totemism. As the conditions of social life were
changed, totemism as a system would gradually become effete, and totems
would come to be regarded chiefly as curiosities of nomenclature.
The preference for kinship through males, in connection with the
tracing of descent, over kinship through females, combined with
the practice of wives leaving their own family to live among their
husband’s kin, would take from the totem one of its most important
uses, as all the members of a “family” would dwell together instead of
being, like the individuals belonging to the American or Australian
totems, intermingled in one group. Totems would then be useful chiefly
as ensigns, or as surnames to establish community of descent, and
therefore the evidence of marriage disability; as with the Chinese,
among whom no persons of the same family name can intermarry, however
distant may be the actual relationship. When the mere possession of
a common surname was no longer an absolute bar to intermarriage, and
kinship came to be traced equally through both parents, totemism ceased
to have any value, except so far as the study of its phenomena can
throw light on the constitution and habits of ancient society.
FOOTNOTES:
[303] A more remarkable case even than this was the appearance to
Professor De Wette of his own double.
[304] This was first published in “Anthropologia,” in 1875.
[305] See “Theosophy, Religion, and Occult Science” (1885), p. 236, _et
seq._
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